By the end of the journey ends inside the Communist Party "in the country country ".
E 'should be at this point to ask two final questions that arise at the conclusion of the work: "Why is over the PCI? What is left of the Communist Party? ".
First, because the PCI is over? Many would answer because once collapsed socialist countries the presence in Italy of a Communist Party was no longer appropriate. This analysis is, in my view, too simplistic. Despite the profound upheavals brought by the collapse of the Berlin Wall, we should remember that the PCI was never too early to follow the transformations can be able to liquidate itself and its history, which lasted more than seventy years, in less than a year e mezzo, tanto quanto fu il tempo intercorso tra la Bolognina e la nascita del Pds. Il Pci, dal dopoguerra in poi, infatti ha sempre effettuato tardivamente le “svolte” richieste dalle improvvise trasformazioni della società.
Era questa l’altra faccia del Partito nuovo e la “giraffa” togliattiana spesso diventava molto più simile ad un “elefante”. Nonostante tutto, il meccanismo del centralismo democratico, che era utilizzato per la direzione politica del Partito, era veramente tale. Il Pci era un partito in cui indubbiamente vi era il “centralismo”, in quanto tutte le principali decisioni venivano prese dal “vertice”, dopo una mediazione tra le sue “diverse sensibilità”, ma contemporaneamente era anche un partito “democratico”, poiché la maggior parte delle stesse erano discusse coinvolgendo la base. Ovviamente era importantissimo il ruolo dei “quadri intermedi”, i quali giocarono un ruolo fondamentale anche nello scioglimento del Pci, che garantivano che la linea del “vertice” fosse approvata senza troppi problemi dalla base.
Altresì importante era il divieto di creare “frazioni”, che salvaguardava effettivamente, al termine anche delle discussioni più laceranti, l’unità del Partito. Così si muoveva, all’unisono, un partito di oltre 1.500.000 iscritti. Ovviamente con questo metodo i tempi delle decisioni erano molto lunghi. Il Pci, proprio per questo motivo, giunse tardi ad alcuni importantissimi “appuntamenti con la storia”.
Il ritardo più grave avvenne nel 1956, quando il Pci perse l’occasione, dopo l’invasione dell’Ungheria, di accelerare in quel momento il distacco dall’Urss, restando ancorato alle posizioni dello Stato sovietico e perdendo in questo modo l’ultima possibilità di unire la sinistra italiana e di creare così un’alternativa alla Dc. Di Vittorio, e possiamo immaginare quanto gli costò dirlo pubblicamente, lo comprese meglio della Direzione e della base del Partito. Il Pci invece con la sua scelta rimase isolato a sinistra e fece si che il percorso dalla creazione della “via italiana al Socialismo” all’effettivo e totale distacco dall’Urss, proclamato da Berlinguer nel 1981, con la celebre frase sulla “fine della spinta propulsiva della Rivoluzione di Ottobre”, durasse altri venticinque anni.
E’ impossibile inoltre ritenere che la liquidazione del Pci possa essere stata semplicemente una diretta conseguenza della fine dei Paesi socialisti, in quanto una svolta internazionale di quel tipo non poteva essere proposta, nonostante la comprensibile ondata emotiva, dopo i soli due giorni che erano passati dal crollo del Muro di Berlino alla svolta della Bolognina. E poi il legame con il Socialismo reale era stato consegnato alla storia e non era più una caratteristica "Living" of PCI, although many efforts, succeeded for some years to achieve a longed-for political autonomy from the Soviet Union.
To understand the real reasons that led to the end of the PCI is an analysis that can be called a "Gramscian". And 'in fact necessary to dwell on the social bloc of the party that had radically changed over the years and that he could not, of course, recognize the two old main categories mentioned by Gramsci himself, or the workers and peasants. In the following years, even and especially since the economic boom, the working classes and peasants had achieved steady economic growth Social and which had generated a real transformation of the social body of the party. The increasing attention to the world of cooperatives, is the direct testimony of this reasoning.
were developed in fact, within the Party, the different sensitivities of the world of cooperatives was the most visible expression, which over the years transformed the economic instruments of the PCI from "transmission belt" in "means of pressure on the party line. " This phenomenon was also geographically, as in "red areas" was and still is, certainly greater the incidence of this ancient and new economic world. The only Emilia Romagna comprendeva un quarto di tutti gli iscritti nazionali del Partito, e sommando a questi gli iscritti delle altre due “regioni rosse”, la Toscana e l’Umbria, il totale superava il 40%. E’ facile immaginare quale fosse la forza politica di queste regioni all’interno del Partito. L’adesione in massa di quelle federazioni alla linea di Occhetto costituisce il tassello mancante di questa analisi.
Il Pci non era più il “Partito degli operai e dei contadini”, ma era diventato anche il “Partito delle piccole e medie imprese”. Il nome “comunista” e l’impedimento che questo portava, a causa del “fattore K”, al raggiungimento del governo, si scontravano con full inclusion of the new social bloc of the party in the capitalist system. On the first occasion, riding the emotional crisis in the Party el'onda the collapse of the Berlin Wall, they proceeded to overrun the Communist Party, even if this meant a profound disorientation of the militants and even a split. The renewed international framework was then only a causal factor in the dissolution of the Communist Party, which, in my opinion, was subject to the reason for the change of the social block of reference of the Party.
The second question we ask is "what is left of the Communist Party?". What is the best legacy of the Communist Party and its seventy years of life and struggle certainly refers to the Constitution e la democrazia italiana, i diritti dei lavoratori e lo stato sociale.
E’ inutile ritornare, poiché fuori discussione, sul decisivo ruolo svolto dal Pci e dagli altri partiti antifascisti nella nascita e nella crescita della democrazia italiana, venuta fuori dopo la dittatura fascista e le lotte della Resistenza. Abbiamo già parlato anche del proficuo lavoro svolto nell’Assemblea costituente dai partiti, che, nonostante le dure divisioni per la politica interna, riuscirono a raggiungere un “compromesso alto” che diede i natali alla Costituzione italiana. Ma va ricordato che fino alla scomparsa del Pci e dei partiti del “pentapartito”, la politica aveva verso la Costituzione un atteggiamento di profondo rispetto. The parties felt the constitutional principles as a no-go for their policy proposals and even the Communist Party until his death he fought for the "substantial implementation" of the Constitution, namely the transition from the account of the principles in the Constitution to implement the same in the choice of the legislature and the executive.
In recent years, however, the wind has changed, the Constitution is no longer a fixed point and almost all contemporary political parties agree that changes should be made to the same series. The debate is still open, and without considering the merits of this, it must be said that this productive atmosphere of harmony Assembly costituente è ormai molto lontano. Anche perché negli ultimi tempi sta prevalendo, nei fatti, anche il principio di fare le “riforme costituzionali a colpi di maggioranza”. Il “compromesso alto” tra le culture comuniste, socialiste e cattoliche è ritenuto superato quindi da proposte di riforma “unilaterali” che nel migliore dei casi possono essere definite di ispirazione “liberale”.
Le pressioni dei partiti di sinistra, soprattutto del Pci, e dei sindacati, sulla Dc e sul Governo, inserite in un contesto che aveva l’obiettivo dell’attuazione sostanziale della Costituzione, fecero si che si formasse una sempre più spessa rete di garanzie sociali e di diritti. The workers and the figures most vulnerable members of society saw in the years of so-called "First Republic" a significant and steady expansion of their rights. In subsequent years, even on these issues, the situation has changed. Early '80s the "welfare state" was put on trial and the PCI in recent years, while pouring in a crisis situation, he tried to respond in some way to these attacks.
Since the '90s, after the end of the PCI, the governments of every political hue have tried to put a little 'rough Italian finances in order and gained more weight the slogan "clean." Only that, together with waste, the necessary cuts have often focused on the rights. Even the trade unions, which should have been, along with the Left parties, the bulwark against the excesses of neoliberal ideology, which in recent years has had hegemony over other cultures and was the main performer of these policies have " defended the rights "only intermittently, and too often conditioned by the political color of the government which proceeded to make the cuts.
The legacy of the Communist Party is considered and then passed by the majority of contemporary politics. But it is worth remembering that the Constitution, democracy, human rights, social status, are the best heritage, although not exclusive, the PCI and not his mistakes. On the whole the attitude of contemporary politics clearly shows its limits and its subordination to the single economic thought that would be unthinkable, for example, for a party like the Democrats.
A final brief mention deserve the parties that are descended from the PCI or the Democrats of the Left, and the PRC Communist Party of Italian Communists.
The Ds are the direct expression of the Communist Party were a party that, in addition to its name, which went from Ds to the PDS, has changed the most in recent years. The Democrats today are fully inserted between the Party of European Socialists, and, while maintaining a relationship with the CGIL, may be considered a classic inter-party government.
The PRC, born of the minority of the Communist Party which refused to enter the PDS, including various vicissitudes, while remaining a communist, has abandoned the traditional history of the communist parties and, with the decisive thrust of its leader Bertinotti, looking for new streets.
The PDCI was born from a split in the PRC, is the party that goes back more to the PCI, but it is also the smallest party of the left having an electoral force close to 2%. The left
of 2000 has managed to debunk the "K factor", being able to go to the government from 1996 to 2001 and is preparing
probably coming back. It grouped together, from an electoral point of view, a consensus was slightly lower than the PCI ranging from a minimum of 22% in 1992 and 2001, to a maximum of 30%, reached in 1996. It should be recognized that these three parties now represent nearly all of the left, unlike the years of the "First Republic", when the votes of the Communist Party, in the counting of the votes of the left, could be added those of the PSI considerable. It 'also decreased significantly the participation of the base. To date, the members of three parties have a total of about 700,000, up from 2,000,000 to 2,250,000 from 1946 to 1956 and from 1.5 to 1.8 million since 1957 of the PCI.
These parties, finally, forever, the DS, or "until until a later date, "the PRC and the PDCI, have abandoned the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial change. This choice has undoubtedly influenced the historic defeat of the "real socialism", rightly considered by all an example not to imitate as it has no substantive freedom and equality, which has made outdated alternative to capitalism. Who knows when it is born, or perhaps it is already born, another generation of young people who can not be accused of "wanting to do as in the Soviet Union" will go to dream of a new idea of \u200b\u200bsociety and try again in a whole new way , "the assault on the sky." But that's another story.
