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I - The Birth of the Communist Party in Italy

On January 21, 1921 in the Teatro San Marco di Livorno nacque il Partito Comunista d’Italia (Pcd’I[1]) sezione italiana della III Internazionale. Il luogo che avrebbe dato i natali a quello che in futuro sarebbe diventato il più grande ed importante partito comunista dell’Europa occidentale, era stato utilizzato durante la guerra appena conclusa come deposito e si presentava, come ricordò Terracini[2], come un luogo angusto, senza luce, privo di sedie e di panche, con finestre senza vetri ed il tetto sfondato. Coloro che costituirono il Pci furono una minoranza dei delegati del XVII Congresso del Psi, che si tenne in quei giorni a Livorno in un altro teatro, il Goldoni.

Il Congresso socialista aveva appena rifiutato, con solo un quarto di voti contrari, as provided in the 21 conditions for membership to the Communist International, to expel the members of the current reform of the party. The minority, representing 58,783 members to 216,337, and left the gathering to the Goldoni S. Marco, was made by the group "abstainer" that was owned by Bordiga, future first leader of new party, the group New Order [3] Gramsci, Togliatti, Terracini and pocket, from the current ceilings Marabini and Graziadei and the vast majority of the Socialist Youth Federation (FGS) [4]. These groups as well as register the birth of a new party elected the first Central Committee [5], which were clearly visible in the balance of power interni.

Le cause che provocarono la scissione del Psi vanno ricercate in primo luogo oltre i confini italiani. Infatti erano diventate fortissime le pressioni del nuovo centro mondiale della politica comunista, la Terza Internazionale, che era nata a Mosca nel 1919 e che, essendo certa della possibilità di esportare in tutta Europa il proprio modello vincente, con le 21 condizioni che poneva per l’adesione alla stessa, chiedeva, oltre che l’epurazione delle correnti riformiste, l’assunzione del nome comunista in luogo di quello socialista. Ma se è indubbio che la Rivoluzione d’Ottobre facesse da catalizzatore, in tutti i paesi, per i settori più rivoluzionari dei partiti operai, allo stesso tempo non possono be forgotten the details of the PSI, which had been subject to an independent attitude during World War I, when unlike other European socialist parties who supported their middle classes, launched the slogan "neither support nor sabotage".

within the party, had been exacerbated, in part because of post-war situation, the political divisions between the three main currents: the right wing and social-reformist Turati, the maximum Serra, who were the true majority party, and the component of Bordiga and Gramsci. But remember as August, the theoretical analysis has always been rather lacking in socialist of that time [6] che amavano parlare di rivoluzione, senza mai, ed in questo era chiara la differenza con i bolscevichi, preoccuparsi di discutere di cosa fare per arrivarci, magari confidando nell’ineluttabilità della stessa. Queste peculiarità proprie del socialismo italiano fecero sì che si arrivasse alla nascita di un partito comunista rivoluzionario con molto ritardo rispetto agli altri paesi europei, e senza un sufficiente dibattito ideologico, come quello che ad esempio era avvenuto nella socialdemocrazia tedesca. Si giunse per questi motivi al paradosso che il Pci, che era il partito che doveva nascere per fare la rivoluzione, fu formato proprio nel momento in cui sfumarono le condizioni per la rivoluzione, che erano sicuramente più mature nel biennio del 1919-20.


[1] The Communist Party of Italy changed its name to "the Italian Communist Party (PCI) following the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Using a method of simplification we will always adopt the term PCI.
[2] See "The History of the Future Livorno from 1921 to 2001" single number published by the National Directorate of PRC at dell'ottantesimo anniversary of the birth of the PCI.
[3] The 'New Order' was a magazine edited by Gramsci and printed for the first time I May 1919. The magazine will soon become the organ of the works council. See Mordenti
"Introduction a Gramsci”, Datanews Editrice.
[4] La Fgs, con il 90% dei voti, nel suo ultimo Congresso si trasformò in Federazione giovanile comunista italiana (Fgci).
I primi Segretari nazionali della Fgci furono Giuseppe Berti e, dopo il 1923, Giuseppe Dozza, storico futuro Sindaco di Bologna.
La Fgci in seguito ebbe un ruolo importante soprattutto durante la Guerra di Liberazione: furono create, in particolare, due organizzazioni parallele, il Fronte della Gioventù al Nord e, dopo l’8 settembre 1943, il MGC nell’Italia centro meridionale.
[5] I 15 componenti del Comitato Centrale furono, in ordine alfabetico: Belloni, Bombacci, Bordiga, Fortichiari, Gennai, Gramsci, Grieco, Marabini, Misiano, Parodi, Polano, Repossi, Sessa, Tarsia, Terracini. Of these eight were Bordiga, maximalists five and two of the New Order. See
Togliatti "Gramsci", Editori Riuniti.
[6] See Agosti "History of the Communist Party", Editori Laterza.

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II - Da Bordiga Gramsci

In May 1921 he held general elections and the Communists presented themselves with an independent list [1] who picked up only 300,000 votes and 15 Deputies, the PSI, however, preserved almost intact its electoral strength reporting 1.6 million votes (122 seats). This event was marked by disruptive actions by the fascists who tried not to vote for many socialists and communists. Against the spread of fascist squads sprang the "Arditi del Popolo", a movement that declared itself "apolitical", but which included some Communists and many socialists. The line of the Communist Party of much sectarian Bordiga, which forbade its members to participate in the movement, prevented the growth of that experience, which failed miserably. In 1922 the Second Congress of the Communist Party, which was held in Rome, confirmed the general Bordiga, based on the exclusion of any kind of agreement with the Socialists, and this resulted, in part because of the split of the reformist wing of the PSI, the first friction with the International, which firmly placed the issue of reunification with the Socialist Party of Serra. Meanwhile

fascism with the "march on Rome in October 1922 he settled, with the tacit consent of the Crown, the power and Antonio Gramsci realized that the policy of Bordiga, which led to the isolation of the Party was exceeded [2]. The PCI, in fact, was in that moment is breaking with the Communist International, which was supposed to be the reference point for any communist party, and with the other forces, left, Italian. It was in this context that Gramsci began to work for a change of majority in the party and, with the indispensable help of other senior executives of the party, which Togliatti, Terracini, Scoccimarro and, later, Ruggero Grieco, as well that with the support of the International, founded the group known as the "center", which is opposed to the "right" of the pocket and above the "left" of Bordiga.

Bordiga still had a majority with 41 out of 67 delegates [3] to the Conference organization, held clandestinely in a hotel in Como in April 1924, but the political weight of the center was on the rise when you consider that the PCI, in the elections policies of 1924, he presented with one list with those in the PSI is revised in the positions of the Third International. At the end of 1923 there was, in fact, the approach, which culminated in August of 1924 into the INPUT the Communist Party, many leaders of the PSI and valid, just called "backs" because of their proximity to the policy of the Third International, and who remained in their party at the time of the division of Livorno. Among the most important were the former leader of the Socialist Party and the union of Cerignola Serrati Giuseppe Di Vittorio.

the elections of 1924, which were held with the law Acerbo renamed "swindle law" providing the two-thirds of the deputies to the fascists, the Communist Party, despite the narrow margins of political freedom, got a decent result, gaining 268,000 votes ( 2.7%) and 19 elected deputies. When you consider that the PSI lost more than half of the votes falling with little more than half a million votes to 8.2%, it can be said that those elections recorded a substantial holding force, the Communist Party, that although sectarian, was characterized by an important motivation of its militants, who in spite of the first persecutions of the dictatorship fascist, who in 1922 had shut down three-quarters of the secretaries of the Federation as well as the same Bordiga, continued to engage in political activity and to believe in the party.

But the crimes of fascism were only the beginning of blind escalating violence culminated with the murder of Matteotti, a Socialist deputy in Parliament who had denounced the rigging of the last elections. The resulting outrage put a general po’ in crisi il nuovo regime ed il Pci ebbe maggiori e nuovi margini di manovra che si concretizzarono con un consistente miglioramento nell’organizzazione del Partito testimoniato dall’aumento del numero degli iscritti che da 9.000 del 1923 passarono a 18.000 del 1924 e a 25.000 nel 1925[4]. Soprattutto la “bolscevizzazione” del Partito, parola d’ordine lanciata nel V Congresso dell’Internazionale Comunista, e con essa l’organizzazione capillare del Partito basata sulla sostituzione delle “sezioni” con le “cellule” e sul nuovo ruolo dei militanti trasformati, alla stregua dei bolscevichi, in “rivoluzionari di professione”, permise al Partito di cominciare a mettere le radici nella società. Questa svolta era coerente con l’impostazione “gramsciana” che, come detto, sponsorizzata dall’Internazionale, cominciò ad essere maggioritaria nel Partito. Infatti nel 1924 Gramsci fu eletto Segretario e molti dirigenti periferici bordighiani furono sostituiti con altri fedeli al nuovo gruppo dirigente. Il definitivo passaggio di consegne da Bordiga a Gramsci si ebbe con il III Congresso del Pci a Lione del 1926, dove il 90,8 % dei delegati si schierò con Gramsci[5] che fu confermato Segretario generale del Partito. Le tesi approvate, le cosiddette “Tesi di Lione”, rappresentarono un autentico punto di svolta nella storia del giovane partito e si sostanziarono nella definizione di quelle that should have been the "driving forces" of the revolution in Italy, or the working class and peasants in the north of the South.

The task of the Party was, as noted by Agosti, organize, unify and mobilize these forces to carry them through a series of transition goals, including what stood out for a Constituent Assembly Republican to the insurgency and the dictatorship of the proletariat [6 ]. Antonio Gramsci, in addition, first realized the problems that could arise from clashes that tore at the time the Communist Party in Russia after the death of Lenin. A letter denouncing the dangers was blocked by the more pragmatic Togliatti who was the Executive Director of the PCI the International, which delivered the message. As rightly written Spriano we can say that Togliatti, from "totus politicus" made the right choice because it allowed that the PCI would alienate the favor of Stalin, but Gramsci, which can be considered politically "presbyopia" (as one who sees evil up close and far from well) understood everything that could have led to the victory of Stalin [7].


[1] This election was not a candidate in the Bordiga argued the futility of his election to Parliament. Here is a prime example of "sectarianism" Bordigist. Pistil
See "Pages of history of the Italian Communist Party," Piero Lacaita Publisher.
[2] See Togliatti op. cit.
[3] See Spriano "History of the Italian Communist Party," Einaudi.
[4] See Agosti op. cit.
[5] See Gramsci in his essay "five years of the Party." The speech was taken from "The Communists and the unity of the working class" by Division of the Central Party School of the Communist Party. In this valuable
reconstruct Gramsci wrote the first five years of life of the party. Gramsci claims the necessity of splitting from the PSI, but admits the difficulties the Communist Party had in its first few years of life, justifying them with the sharpest crisis of the bourgeoisie and the labor movement. After a brief
analysis of early PCI dl, Gramsci proceeds to describe "the new direction of the Party", the importance of the III Congress, the political value, the results and objectives.
[6] See Agosti op cit.
[7] See Spriano "Interview on the history of the PCI by Simona Colarizi"