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Introduction

Pier Paolo Pasolini defining the PCI one country in the country "has, in my view, took the most significant aspect of the life of the largest and most important Communist party in Western Europe.

The Italian Communist Party has always been a constant and decisive in the history of twentieth-century Italy. Since its birth until his death in fact the Communist Party was a party that, for better or for worse, has left its mark in all the major events of Italian history. During the Fascist regime was the only party to be present illegally in Italy and trying to oppose, even with very limited means, to a system that otherwise, in national borders, it would be unchallenged. Also can not be challenged by any hegemonic role of the Communist Party over the other anti-fascist forces during the Resistance. And finally, for over forty years, the Communist Party and the Christian Democrats were the main protagonists of the Italian democracy that, although with different roles, have both contributed to establish and grow.

So if the Christian Democrats, the main ruling party, can rightly be given a good historical analysis, the same treatment should be reserved for his rival, the Communist Party, which he has described in many phases of its existence to the constraints of the Union Soviet Union, has played a continuous role in Italian politics and can be considered in all respects "another important part of the country." Not otherwise explain why the same DC, with the end of the Communist Party, ceased to exist. In fact, although Tangentopoli have put the tombstone on the left of the "crusader shield," the DC is dead only after having completed his main task, which barred the doors of government to the Communists. Corruption in Italian politics has been a leitmotif for the '80s, and he proved his insistence on "moral issue" as a clean leader Berlinguer, but Tangentopoli, with all its consequences, was able to move until that the "communist threat" had been eradicated.

The PCI has also been an important reference, and in some cases irreplaceable, in the stories of millions of individual men and women of our country. A huge community, a country Party that stretched across the country and in Italy that "being friends" and have the PCI card in his pocket was an inalienable right of citizenship. In any Italian he was, even the most remote desert, a comrade of the Communist Party could go to a section of the party to ask for help or simply to entertain. It 's a story that could tell that many southern migrants to the north which many times was the Communist Party to provide initial reception and, and This certainly the most important thing, to act to make them feel "less alone". And how many stories they could tell the laborers of Cerignola to which the Party has taught "not to take off his hat to the master work" and ask, with dignity, respect for their rights, thus making them become "citizens." When this story is over in many orphans and felt a lot of people, families and friends were not the same.
But just because it's over this story could be told. And despite the obvious limitations, could all be told from beginning to end.

I tried with the work done at do this and have certainly been valuable for me the work of those who, in previous years. has spent so much time of their lives to write the history of this party. Among these, the greatest of all, the reference point unattainable and that unfortunately had to leave their work incomplete, was Spriano, but important contributions were also those of August, Galli, Colarizi, as regards the history of Italian politics and why not, of San Severo Pistil. Why deny that without their commitment to work "relatively routine" reconstruction of the national history of the Communist Party would have been impossible?

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I - The Birth of the Communist Party in Italy

On January 21, 1921 in the Teatro San Marco di Livorno nacque il Partito Comunista d’Italia (Pcd’I[1]) sezione italiana della III Internazionale. Il luogo che avrebbe dato i natali a quello che in futuro sarebbe diventato il più grande ed importante partito comunista dell’Europa occidentale, era stato utilizzato durante la guerra appena conclusa come deposito e si presentava, come ricordò Terracini[2], come un luogo angusto, senza luce, privo di sedie e di panche, con finestre senza vetri ed il tetto sfondato. Coloro che costituirono il Pci furono una minoranza dei delegati del XVII Congresso del Psi, che si tenne in quei giorni a Livorno in un altro teatro, il Goldoni.

Il Congresso socialista aveva appena rifiutato, con solo un quarto di voti contrari, as provided in the 21 conditions for membership to the Communist International, to expel the members of the current reform of the party. The minority, representing 58,783 members to 216,337, and left the gathering to the Goldoni S. Marco, was made by the group "abstainer" that was owned by Bordiga, future first leader of new party, the group New Order [3] Gramsci, Togliatti, Terracini and pocket, from the current ceilings Marabini and Graziadei and the vast majority of the Socialist Youth Federation (FGS) [4]. These groups as well as register the birth of a new party elected the first Central Committee [5], which were clearly visible in the balance of power interni.

Le cause che provocarono la scissione del Psi vanno ricercate in primo luogo oltre i confini italiani. Infatti erano diventate fortissime le pressioni del nuovo centro mondiale della politica comunista, la Terza Internazionale, che era nata a Mosca nel 1919 e che, essendo certa della possibilità di esportare in tutta Europa il proprio modello vincente, con le 21 condizioni che poneva per l’adesione alla stessa, chiedeva, oltre che l’epurazione delle correnti riformiste, l’assunzione del nome comunista in luogo di quello socialista. Ma se è indubbio che la Rivoluzione d’Ottobre facesse da catalizzatore, in tutti i paesi, per i settori più rivoluzionari dei partiti operai, allo stesso tempo non possono be forgotten the details of the PSI, which had been subject to an independent attitude during World War I, when unlike other European socialist parties who supported their middle classes, launched the slogan "neither support nor sabotage".

within the party, had been exacerbated, in part because of post-war situation, the political divisions between the three main currents: the right wing and social-reformist Turati, the maximum Serra, who were the true majority party, and the component of Bordiga and Gramsci. But remember as August, the theoretical analysis has always been rather lacking in socialist of that time [6] che amavano parlare di rivoluzione, senza mai, ed in questo era chiara la differenza con i bolscevichi, preoccuparsi di discutere di cosa fare per arrivarci, magari confidando nell’ineluttabilità della stessa. Queste peculiarità proprie del socialismo italiano fecero sì che si arrivasse alla nascita di un partito comunista rivoluzionario con molto ritardo rispetto agli altri paesi europei, e senza un sufficiente dibattito ideologico, come quello che ad esempio era avvenuto nella socialdemocrazia tedesca. Si giunse per questi motivi al paradosso che il Pci, che era il partito che doveva nascere per fare la rivoluzione, fu formato proprio nel momento in cui sfumarono le condizioni per la rivoluzione, che erano sicuramente più mature nel biennio del 1919-20.


[1] The Communist Party of Italy changed its name to "the Italian Communist Party (PCI) following the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Using a method of simplification we will always adopt the term PCI.
[2] See "The History of the Future Livorno from 1921 to 2001" single number published by the National Directorate of PRC at dell'ottantesimo anniversary of the birth of the PCI.
[3] The 'New Order' was a magazine edited by Gramsci and printed for the first time I May 1919. The magazine will soon become the organ of the works council. See Mordenti
"Introduction a Gramsci”, Datanews Editrice.
[4] La Fgs, con il 90% dei voti, nel suo ultimo Congresso si trasformò in Federazione giovanile comunista italiana (Fgci).
I primi Segretari nazionali della Fgci furono Giuseppe Berti e, dopo il 1923, Giuseppe Dozza, storico futuro Sindaco di Bologna.
La Fgci in seguito ebbe un ruolo importante soprattutto durante la Guerra di Liberazione: furono create, in particolare, due organizzazioni parallele, il Fronte della Gioventù al Nord e, dopo l’8 settembre 1943, il MGC nell’Italia centro meridionale.
[5] I 15 componenti del Comitato Centrale furono, in ordine alfabetico: Belloni, Bombacci, Bordiga, Fortichiari, Gennai, Gramsci, Grieco, Marabini, Misiano, Parodi, Polano, Repossi, Sessa, Tarsia, Terracini. Of these eight were Bordiga, maximalists five and two of the New Order. See
Togliatti "Gramsci", Editori Riuniti.
[6] See Agosti "History of the Communist Party", Editori Laterza.