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Introduction

Pier Paolo Pasolini defining the PCI one country in the country "has, in my view, took the most significant aspect of the life of the largest and most important Communist party in Western Europe.

The Italian Communist Party has always been a constant and decisive in the history of twentieth-century Italy. Since its birth until his death in fact the Communist Party was a party that, for better or for worse, has left its mark in all the major events of Italian history. During the Fascist regime was the only party to be present illegally in Italy and trying to oppose, even with very limited means, to a system that otherwise, in national borders, it would be unchallenged. Also can not be challenged by any hegemonic role of the Communist Party over the other anti-fascist forces during the Resistance. And finally, for over forty years, the Communist Party and the Christian Democrats were the main protagonists of the Italian democracy that, although with different roles, have both contributed to establish and grow.

So if the Christian Democrats, the main ruling party, can rightly be given a good historical analysis, the same treatment should be reserved for his rival, the Communist Party, which he has described in many phases of its existence to the constraints of the Union Soviet Union, has played a continuous role in Italian politics and can be considered in all respects "another important part of the country." Not otherwise explain why the same DC, with the end of the Communist Party, ceased to exist. In fact, although Tangentopoli have put the tombstone on the left of the "crusader shield," the DC is dead only after having completed his main task, which barred the doors of government to the Communists. Corruption in Italian politics has been a leitmotif for the '80s, and he proved his insistence on "moral issue" as a clean leader Berlinguer, but Tangentopoli, with all its consequences, was able to move until that the "communist threat" had been eradicated.

The PCI has also been an important reference, and in some cases irreplaceable, in the stories of millions of individual men and women of our country. A huge community, a country Party that stretched across the country and in Italy that "being friends" and have the PCI card in his pocket was an inalienable right of citizenship. In any Italian he was, even the most remote desert, a comrade of the Communist Party could go to a section of the party to ask for help or simply to entertain. It 's a story that could tell that many southern migrants to the north which many times was the Communist Party to provide initial reception and, and This certainly the most important thing, to act to make them feel "less alone". And how many stories they could tell the laborers of Cerignola to which the Party has taught "not to take off his hat to the master work" and ask, with dignity, respect for their rights, thus making them become "citizens." When this story is over in many orphans and felt a lot of people, families and friends were not the same.
But just because it's over this story could be told. And despite the obvious limitations, could all be told from beginning to end.

I tried with the work done at do this and have certainly been valuable for me the work of those who, in previous years. has spent so much time of their lives to write the history of this party. Among these, the greatest of all, the reference point unattainable and that unfortunately had to leave their work incomplete, was Spriano, but important contributions were also those of August, Galli, Colarizi, as regards the history of Italian politics and why not, of San Severo Pistil. Why deny that without their commitment to work "relatively routine" reconstruction of the national history of the Communist Party would have been impossible?

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I - The Birth of the Communist Party in Italy

On January 21, 1921 in the Teatro San Marco di Livorno nacque il Partito Comunista d’Italia (Pcd’I[1]) sezione italiana della III Internazionale. Il luogo che avrebbe dato i natali a quello che in futuro sarebbe diventato il più grande ed importante partito comunista dell’Europa occidentale, era stato utilizzato durante la guerra appena conclusa come deposito e si presentava, come ricordò Terracini[2], come un luogo angusto, senza luce, privo di sedie e di panche, con finestre senza vetri ed il tetto sfondato. Coloro che costituirono il Pci furono una minoranza dei delegati del XVII Congresso del Psi, che si tenne in quei giorni a Livorno in un altro teatro, il Goldoni.

Il Congresso socialista aveva appena rifiutato, con solo un quarto di voti contrari, as provided in the 21 conditions for membership to the Communist International, to expel the members of the current reform of the party. The minority, representing 58,783 members to 216,337, and left the gathering to the Goldoni S. Marco, was made by the group "abstainer" that was owned by Bordiga, future first leader of new party, the group New Order [3] Gramsci, Togliatti, Terracini and pocket, from the current ceilings Marabini and Graziadei and the vast majority of the Socialist Youth Federation (FGS) [4]. These groups as well as register the birth of a new party elected the first Central Committee [5], which were clearly visible in the balance of power interni.

Le cause che provocarono la scissione del Psi vanno ricercate in primo luogo oltre i confini italiani. Infatti erano diventate fortissime le pressioni del nuovo centro mondiale della politica comunista, la Terza Internazionale, che era nata a Mosca nel 1919 e che, essendo certa della possibilità di esportare in tutta Europa il proprio modello vincente, con le 21 condizioni che poneva per l’adesione alla stessa, chiedeva, oltre che l’epurazione delle correnti riformiste, l’assunzione del nome comunista in luogo di quello socialista. Ma se è indubbio che la Rivoluzione d’Ottobre facesse da catalizzatore, in tutti i paesi, per i settori più rivoluzionari dei partiti operai, allo stesso tempo non possono be forgotten the details of the PSI, which had been subject to an independent attitude during World War I, when unlike other European socialist parties who supported their middle classes, launched the slogan "neither support nor sabotage".

within the party, had been exacerbated, in part because of post-war situation, the political divisions between the three main currents: the right wing and social-reformist Turati, the maximum Serra, who were the true majority party, and the component of Bordiga and Gramsci. But remember as August, the theoretical analysis has always been rather lacking in socialist of that time [6] che amavano parlare di rivoluzione, senza mai, ed in questo era chiara la differenza con i bolscevichi, preoccuparsi di discutere di cosa fare per arrivarci, magari confidando nell’ineluttabilità della stessa. Queste peculiarità proprie del socialismo italiano fecero sì che si arrivasse alla nascita di un partito comunista rivoluzionario con molto ritardo rispetto agli altri paesi europei, e senza un sufficiente dibattito ideologico, come quello che ad esempio era avvenuto nella socialdemocrazia tedesca. Si giunse per questi motivi al paradosso che il Pci, che era il partito che doveva nascere per fare la rivoluzione, fu formato proprio nel momento in cui sfumarono le condizioni per la rivoluzione, che erano sicuramente più mature nel biennio del 1919-20.


[1] The Communist Party of Italy changed its name to "the Italian Communist Party (PCI) following the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Using a method of simplification we will always adopt the term PCI.
[2] See "The History of the Future Livorno from 1921 to 2001" single number published by the National Directorate of PRC at dell'ottantesimo anniversary of the birth of the PCI.
[3] The 'New Order' was a magazine edited by Gramsci and printed for the first time I May 1919. The magazine will soon become the organ of the works council. See Mordenti
"Introduction a Gramsci”, Datanews Editrice.
[4] La Fgs, con il 90% dei voti, nel suo ultimo Congresso si trasformò in Federazione giovanile comunista italiana (Fgci).
I primi Segretari nazionali della Fgci furono Giuseppe Berti e, dopo il 1923, Giuseppe Dozza, storico futuro Sindaco di Bologna.
La Fgci in seguito ebbe un ruolo importante soprattutto durante la Guerra di Liberazione: furono create, in particolare, due organizzazioni parallele, il Fronte della Gioventù al Nord e, dopo l’8 settembre 1943, il MGC nell’Italia centro meridionale.
[5] I 15 componenti del Comitato Centrale furono, in ordine alfabetico: Belloni, Bombacci, Bordiga, Fortichiari, Gennai, Gramsci, Grieco, Marabini, Misiano, Parodi, Polano, Repossi, Sessa, Tarsia, Terracini. Of these eight were Bordiga, maximalists five and two of the New Order. See
Togliatti "Gramsci", Editori Riuniti.
[6] See Agosti "History of the Communist Party", Editori Laterza.

Safe Woods For Rabbits To Chew

II - Da Bordiga Gramsci

In May 1921 he held general elections and the Communists presented themselves with an independent list [1] who picked up only 300,000 votes and 15 Deputies, the PSI, however, preserved almost intact its electoral strength reporting 1.6 million votes (122 seats). This event was marked by disruptive actions by the fascists who tried not to vote for many socialists and communists. Against the spread of fascist squads sprang the "Arditi del Popolo", a movement that declared itself "apolitical", but which included some Communists and many socialists. The line of the Communist Party of much sectarian Bordiga, which forbade its members to participate in the movement, prevented the growth of that experience, which failed miserably. In 1922 the Second Congress of the Communist Party, which was held in Rome, confirmed the general Bordiga, based on the exclusion of any kind of agreement with the Socialists, and this resulted, in part because of the split of the reformist wing of the PSI, the first friction with the International, which firmly placed the issue of reunification with the Socialist Party of Serra. Meanwhile

fascism with the "march on Rome in October 1922 he settled, with the tacit consent of the Crown, the power and Antonio Gramsci realized that the policy of Bordiga, which led to the isolation of the Party was exceeded [2]. The PCI, in fact, was in that moment is breaking with the Communist International, which was supposed to be the reference point for any communist party, and with the other forces, left, Italian. It was in this context that Gramsci began to work for a change of majority in the party and, with the indispensable help of other senior executives of the party, which Togliatti, Terracini, Scoccimarro and, later, Ruggero Grieco, as well that with the support of the International, founded the group known as the "center", which is opposed to the "right" of the pocket and above the "left" of Bordiga.

Bordiga still had a majority with 41 out of 67 delegates [3] to the Conference organization, held clandestinely in a hotel in Como in April 1924, but the political weight of the center was on the rise when you consider that the PCI, in the elections policies of 1924, he presented with one list with those in the PSI is revised in the positions of the Third International. At the end of 1923 there was, in fact, the approach, which culminated in August of 1924 into the INPUT the Communist Party, many leaders of the PSI and valid, just called "backs" because of their proximity to the policy of the Third International, and who remained in their party at the time of the division of Livorno. Among the most important were the former leader of the Socialist Party and the union of Cerignola Serrati Giuseppe Di Vittorio.

the elections of 1924, which were held with the law Acerbo renamed "swindle law" providing the two-thirds of the deputies to the fascists, the Communist Party, despite the narrow margins of political freedom, got a decent result, gaining 268,000 votes ( 2.7%) and 19 elected deputies. When you consider that the PSI lost more than half of the votes falling with little more than half a million votes to 8.2%, it can be said that those elections recorded a substantial holding force, the Communist Party, that although sectarian, was characterized by an important motivation of its militants, who in spite of the first persecutions of the dictatorship fascist, who in 1922 had shut down three-quarters of the secretaries of the Federation as well as the same Bordiga, continued to engage in political activity and to believe in the party.

But the crimes of fascism were only the beginning of blind escalating violence culminated with the murder of Matteotti, a Socialist deputy in Parliament who had denounced the rigging of the last elections. The resulting outrage put a general po’ in crisi il nuovo regime ed il Pci ebbe maggiori e nuovi margini di manovra che si concretizzarono con un consistente miglioramento nell’organizzazione del Partito testimoniato dall’aumento del numero degli iscritti che da 9.000 del 1923 passarono a 18.000 del 1924 e a 25.000 nel 1925[4]. Soprattutto la “bolscevizzazione” del Partito, parola d’ordine lanciata nel V Congresso dell’Internazionale Comunista, e con essa l’organizzazione capillare del Partito basata sulla sostituzione delle “sezioni” con le “cellule” e sul nuovo ruolo dei militanti trasformati, alla stregua dei bolscevichi, in “rivoluzionari di professione”, permise al Partito di cominciare a mettere le radici nella società. Questa svolta era coerente con l’impostazione “gramsciana” che, come detto, sponsorizzata dall’Internazionale, cominciò ad essere maggioritaria nel Partito. Infatti nel 1924 Gramsci fu eletto Segretario e molti dirigenti periferici bordighiani furono sostituiti con altri fedeli al nuovo gruppo dirigente. Il definitivo passaggio di consegne da Bordiga a Gramsci si ebbe con il III Congresso del Pci a Lione del 1926, dove il 90,8 % dei delegati si schierò con Gramsci[5] che fu confermato Segretario generale del Partito. Le tesi approvate, le cosiddette “Tesi di Lione”, rappresentarono un autentico punto di svolta nella storia del giovane partito e si sostanziarono nella definizione di quelle that should have been the "driving forces" of the revolution in Italy, or the working class and peasants in the north of the South.

The task of the Party was, as noted by Agosti, organize, unify and mobilize these forces to carry them through a series of transition goals, including what stood out for a Constituent Assembly Republican to the insurgency and the dictatorship of the proletariat [6 ]. Antonio Gramsci, in addition, first realized the problems that could arise from clashes that tore at the time the Communist Party in Russia after the death of Lenin. A letter denouncing the dangers was blocked by the more pragmatic Togliatti who was the Executive Director of the PCI the International, which delivered the message. As rightly written Spriano we can say that Togliatti, from "totus politicus" made the right choice because it allowed that the PCI would alienate the favor of Stalin, but Gramsci, which can be considered politically "presbyopia" (as one who sees evil up close and far from well) understood everything that could have led to the victory of Stalin [7].


[1] This election was not a candidate in the Bordiga argued the futility of his election to Parliament. Here is a prime example of "sectarianism" Bordigist. Pistil
See "Pages of history of the Italian Communist Party," Piero Lacaita Publisher.
[2] See Togliatti op. cit.
[3] See Spriano "History of the Italian Communist Party," Einaudi.
[4] See Agosti op. cit.
[5] See Gramsci in his essay "five years of the Party." The speech was taken from "The Communists and the unity of the working class" by Division of the Central Party School of the Communist Party. In this valuable
reconstruct Gramsci wrote the first five years of life of the party. Gramsci claims the necessity of splitting from the PSI, but admits the difficulties the Communist Party had in its first few years of life, justifying them with the sharpest crisis of the bourgeoisie and the labor movement. After a brief
analysis of early PCI dl, Gramsci proceeds to describe "the new direction of the Party", the importance of the III Congress, the political value, the results and objectives.
[6] See Agosti op cit.
[7] See Spriano "Interview on the history of the PCI by Simona Colarizi"

Images Of Dogs Nipples While In Heat

III - The anti-fascist dictatorship and turmoil

Fascism In 1926 he completed his transformation and the actions of the squads was added to all intents and purposes, the harsh repression of State. In that year Mussolini did approve of the special measures that strengthened the powers of the Head of Government to which was no longer required to be accountable to Parliament, which was reduced single-site representation. The newspapers were closed and at the same time, all groups were subjected to police surveillance and, in fact, the trade unions were abolished, being recognized as interlocutors only the syndicates. In addition, governments were abolished and replaced by municipal and provincial government authorities, the Mayor. Finally, the opposition parties were disbanded and the Special Court was mandated to defend the state, whose courts were members of militia or military, to have the anti-fascist prison, or more often, the confinement. The so-called laws "fascist" are, therefore, the foundation on which we built the system, which was characterized dalla sostanziale coincidenza tra le strutture dello Stato e del Partito fascista, che rimaneva in questo modo l’unica forza politica legittimata ad esistere. Nel 1926 quindi l'Italia cessò di essere uno Stato liberale e divenne uno Stato totalitario.

Il Partito comunista fu duramente colpito dalla repressione e i suoi maggiori dirigenti finirono in carcere. Durante il “ventennio” il Pci fu il partito antifascista che pagò il prezzo maggiore alla repressione[1]. Il quartier generale del Pci fu spostato a Parigi, mentre in Italia si cercò di mantenere un’organizzazione clandestina. Con l’arresto di Gramsci, Togliatti, che era sfuggito all’arresto solo perché si trovava all’estero, divenne Secretary-General, while, at least at first, the action was illegal in Italy headed by Camilla Ravera. Although the Communist Party was the only anti-fascist party that had organized a network of this type, because of repression of the fascist police who used an effective method of "infiltrators", soon weakened domestic political initiative, as evidenced by the number of subscribers increased from 10,000 in 1927 to about 7,000 in 1928 [2]. The Communist Party he was born believing that revolution was imminent was taken aback by the consolidation of fascism, but nevertheless continued to believe that the political stage would only be a brief and authoritative that would soon conditions for the return to power.

relations with the Communist International, which had been strongly reinforced by Togliatti, deteriorated sharply in 1929 due to the position of the pocket, which had replaced Togliatti in Moscow, in favor of Bukharin, who was opposed at that time Stalin. After the whole line of PCI, from Lyon on, was challenged, Togliatti expelled pocket and lined up new positions on the Party of the International, which, because of Stalin, had returned to be rather sectarian. In fact, the Communist Party was forced to associate with the Italian Socialists and the Movement of Young Justice and Freedom, the theory of "Social", which put its bases on the equation between Fascism and Social Democracy, understood, both as methods used by the bourgeoisie to retain power. Were excluded, in addition, the hypothesis, advanced by Gramsci in Lyon, an intermediate stage that there should have after the fall of Fascism.

These positions caused the biggest crisis that the Party had met in its first ten years of life [3]: Gramsci and Terracini, from prison, they made their voices of dissent and three national leaders, Leonetti, Ravazzolo and Tress, were expelled from the Party. Although sectarianism, this change in policy direction generated a revival of the Communist Party in Italy, which was driven in particular by Longo, rejuvenation and a strong base of activists. The generational shift from those who had been the party to whom it had entered into a situation of illegal immigrants laid the foundations for a new grounding of the Communist Party in society, which is especially visible in the years after Fascism. At that time, and those conditions must be traced the foundations for the emergence of the strongholds in Emilia and Tuscany, old feuds socialists, and growth in rural areas. The Communist Party was able to characterize as the only really active anti-fascist forces in Italy and this had attracted many young people who come from other cultures, many of whom were families of socialist or popular, which often went to replace the pictures that ended in prison. In the countryside, finally, it was much easier than in cities, to organize a clandestine network.

When Fascism put his hand on the levers of consent, militarized, channeling and organizing the masses, the Communist Party, despite the increased difficulties that prevented action that could somehow be "mass" was attentive and flexible in understanding the 'importance of such instruments. The fascist structures, either because they were the only places where you could talk about politics, both shy away from accusations of "carbonara" [4], which often turned to the International Communist Party, became a major catchment area, especially in the years between the 1931-32 to propagate communist ideas and especially to highlight the contradictions of the regime.

With the growth of the Nazi danger changed strategy and the Communist International between 1934 and 1935 launched the line together in a "popular front" all the forces opposing the advance of fascism. If France was the "pilot country" in which there is unity of the Left, Italian anti-fascist parties in the situation was slightly different. The PCI, which had struggled to accept the "turning point" in 1929, had an even greater suffering to exit the sectarianism which held that it seemed intended as, in Italy Fascist militants had found themselves facing the new government. But a little 'time to the work of Togliatti and Grieco, who was secretary from 1934 to 1938 [5], paid off, and in August of 1934, was signed the "pact of unity of action" between socialists and communists, who, despite the differences, marked the reopening of dialogue between the two workers' parties.

The hope of a possible failure of the campaign in Ethiopia that could destabilize the regime, went quickly disappointed with the victory and the Italian Communist Party are nothing more than continue the old strategy of working in mass organizations of the fascist regime, launching a campaign of "fraternization to the brothers in black shirts "[6]. The campaign was launched through public appeal by the "workers' state" entitled "The salvation of Italy reconciliation of the Italian people" [7] was not very well received in other Italian anti-fascist forces and militants of the Party.

With the onset of civil war in Spain, also resumed with even greater force in the militant left-wing anti-fascist sentiment. At this point the direction of the Communist Party in Paris seconded that the request came from the party and put aside the line of "fraternizing with the masses fascist" to organize solidarity with the English company with the "International Brigades" enlisted 3000 in which Italian Communists who had among their commanders and Di Vittorio Longo. The English experience was very useful, not only because it prepares cadres and militants of the Party in what was the Resistance in Italy, but also because the goal of a "new kind of democracy," which was based on the expulsion of Fascism and hegemony of the workers' parties and that he had designed for the situation in Spain, formed the basis for a far deeper in the previous agreement between PSI and the PCI, which was confirmed by a new "pact of unity of action" in July 1937.

It began during those months to pay off the anti-fascist front living abroad: a few months ago was founded the "People's Union" which saw the presence of policy, justice and freedom and the Republicans (later adhered to the Socialists), but the Communist Party, which was the only organized party in Italy , was careful not only the unity of the anti-fascist parties migrants, but also and above all, the ability to make a real difference in the country [8]. This position is clearly pragmatic, ended up overshadow the equally important programmatic aspects, such as fill content, the concept of "new type of democracy", which seemed to pay more attention to other anti-fascist forces.

Action policy of the Communist Party went into crisis because of the relationship with the Soviet Union, primarily because of the authoritarianism of Stalin, Togliatti, which forced to take hard stand against the crimes of Trotskyism and the Party to face accusations of "poor supervision "that led to many internal problems, culminating with the dissolution of the Central Committee. But it was the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact to create the biggest problems [9] as it was impossible to reconcile with the approval of anti-fascist unity pact between the Soviet and Nazi and the Communist Party was forced to lie flat on the positions of the International theorized that for the Communist equidistant between the various imperialist. The situation deteriorated further when, with the German invasion of the Communist Party found itself in hiding in Paris. Togliatti was arrested, but it has not been recognized, escaped with only a few months in prison and reorganized after the embryo of a foreign center of the party, went to Moscow where the International, had finally melted and the Political Bureau and Central Committee, gave him the leadership of the Communist Party alone.

The situation within the Party, which had deteriorated with broken Terracini and Ravera, calmed thanks to Mussolini's declaration of war in France and England in 1940, which made it that you re-create the conditions for a nuova unità antifascista, che fu suggellata nel 1941 a Tolosa da un accordo tra Pci, Psi e Gl.


[1] Nel “ventennio” fascista i comunisti condannati dal Tribunale speciale furono 4000 per complessivi 230 secoli di galera. Cfr. Togliatti “il Partito”, Edito dalla sezione centrale di stampa e propaganda del Pci.
[2] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[3] Cfr. Pistillo op. cit.
[4] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[5] Disse Bruno Grieco, figlio di Ruggero, nella scheda di presentazione del libro:
“La storia del Partito Comunista è incompleta: molto del periodo in cui Ruggero Grieco ne è stato segretario, ossia dalla seconda metà del 1934 alla primavera del 1938, viene ignorata o liquidata in poche pagine. Togliatti ha occultato gran parte delle carte di quel periodo, timoroso della popolarità che Grieco aveva acquistato negli ambienti dell’antifascismo italiano, tra i quali era stimato per essersi fatto promotore del patto di Unità d’azione Pci-Psi, dei ripetuti contatti con Giustizia e Libertà, degli appelli rivolti dal Comitato Centrale ai cattolici. È proprio in quegli anni, infatti, che il Comitato Centrale del Pci rompe con la teoria del socialfascismo. Il Comitato Centrale, sotto la guida di Grieco, tese ad applicare tutte le indicazioni che pervenivano direttamente o indirettamente da Gramsci, a costruire un partito che tesseva le fila dell’antifascismo, capace di preparare il ground for insurrection and resistance in Italy. A first reveal some of these obscure Giorgio Amendola was in 1966 that made it known publicly that Grieco had served four years as secretary of the party. Grieco himself, his son Bruno, had never reported. The archive documents relating to that period are still "reserved". But very, very much was still possible to bring to light. The papers of the Comintern, in the book are revealing and are published for the first time. "See Grieco," A party is not Stalinist. Pci 1936: "Appeal to our brothers in black shirts", "Marsilio.
[6] See Agosti op. cit. Pistil and op. cit.
[7] See Agosti op. cit.
[8] See "Problems and discussions," State Worker editorial of May 15, 1939, from "The Communists and the unity of the working class" by the middle section of the Party School of the Communist Party.
[9] See Pistil op. cit.

Toshiba Versus Lg Lcd Tv

IV - The Fall of Fascism and the New Party

With the attack of Germany against the Soviet Union, the International, which was now reduced to being a branch of the "Foreign Ministry" of the USSR, immediately changed its position on the war, from concept "war of imperialism" to the "anti-fascist war." The communist parties, were, according to the new strategy, put parte le velleità rivoluzionarie e rilanciare politiche di larga convergenza con le altre forze antifasciste. Non fu lo schiacciamento sulle posizioni dell’Urss, che in fondo è sempre esistito, ma la nuova esigenza di non mettersi contro le potenze capitalistiche che erano alleate nella guerra che portò allo scioglimento dell’Internazionale nel 1943[1]. In realtà le cose, nel mondo comunista, non cambiarono di molto in quanto l’Urss mantenne l’indiscussa supremazia su tutto il movimento.

In Italia dal 1941 il Pci, anche grazie all’importante lavoro di Umberto Massola, cominciò a riorganizzare la rete clandestina e a fare sentire la propria voce, anche attraverso la diffusione di un bollettino, the "Book of the worker, through which were spread the official positions of the party, dictated directly from Togliatti by Radio Moscow. At the same time resumed force many small groups, often with independent political line, they continued their fight from inside to Fascism.

On July 25, 1943, Mussolini was forced to resign after being finished in the minority in the "Great Council of Fascism" and sudden end of the Fascist government, with greater room for maneuver and the subsequent release from prison the leaders of the Communist Party gave sap greater organization of the Communists. The line carried on the PCI, driven mainly by base during those months was quite radical and "also asked the head" of the Monarchy, this position was further strengthened from 8 September and the flight of the King

The weight of the PCI in Italy had become very important because the war in northern Italy with the Germans and the Fascists of the Republic of Salò was still to be fought and autumn of 1943, communist militants were the main part of the underground groups of the Resistance, organized in the Garibaldi Brigade "of the mountains and in the" Gap "and" Sap " in cities. In addition to the armed struggle, the Communist Party continued his political work in the organization of workers and promoting continuing strikes and unrest, especially in the early months of 1944. The Badoglio government declared war against Germany placed the Communist Party before a crossroads: continue in the line, the request from the base, contrasting front Badoglio and the Monarchy or taking the responsibility of government.

Togliatti in March 1944, after having a meeting with Stalin, he returned to Italy and practiced what was known as the "turning point of Salerno" in which the Communist Party, preferring to state the reason for the deposition of the monarchy, sanctioned its entry into the government. The entrance of the Communist Party in the government formed by Badoglio Bonomi and reformist socialist had to be read, with the intention of Togliatti, as an attempt to force credit as founder and head of the Italian democracy. The insurgency in the north, rapidly approaching in which the Communist Party, for its organization, said a leading role, would do the rest. For this reason
25 April 1945 was celebrated the liberation of Italy without the motions, controlled by the Communist Party, given rise to an attempted revolution.

The strategy pursued was that of "progressive democracy", a logical continuation of the "new-style democracy," based on the idea that participation in government and politics of the masses would not only eliminate any "residue" of Fascism, to enter the company substantial elements of socialism. To achieve this it was necessary that the Party was rebuilt on a different basis and become a "new party" [2] or a modern mass party with deep roots in the workplace and participating in society. The party thus began a steady growth both in terms of data organization, which is now widely developed in all Italian cities, which in terms of number of subscribers, rose from 500,000 in 1944 to 1,700,000 in 1945, which led to become the largest and most important Communist party in Western Europe.


[1] See Spriano op. cit.
[2] See in Togliatti "Party New "and" What is the New Party, "Rebirth of essays taken from Oct.-Nov.-Dec. 1944.

Honda Pilot Rear License Bracket

V - The Basics of Italian democracy

The New Party in 1946, after the liberation, could be considered a reality. The Communist Party, with its two million members [1], had become the largest mass party in Italy after the war, with an excellent grounding in the "red areas" [2], with good strength in the northern city workers and growing in the countryside south. Paradoxically, the imposing organization not turned in an identical electoral strength, as the elections for the Constituent Assembly on 2 June 1946 [3], the PCI was clearly passed by the DC and for a few thousand votes, bringing the Psi 4,300,000 preference. The Communist Party won only the consent of its activists or sympathizers, almost all workers, peasants and intellectuals, and failed to exert any attractive force to other social classes, first against the "middle class" [4].

Major responsibilities were assigned to the "duplicity" of the Communist Party, in other words, a misunderstanding that that attitude was perceived as being reassuring, and that held together two opposing political visions: the commitment to democratic institutions, which marks the official line, and the link with the Soviet Union and the revolutionary aspirations, present so conspicuous in the peripheral base and executives. In the Party militants, in fact, emerged once again, and remained for many years, the usual duality that has always characterized the left, between the "heart", who dreamed of the Revolution and the "Myth of the Soviet Union" , and the "brain", who was studying how to achieve democracy.

Togliatti, personally, strongly contrasted the actions that went beyond the official line, fearing that they undermine the important efforts made by the Communist Party to gain credibility and be a force that could aspire to achieve the democratic government of the country. In Togliatti truth pursued consistently, and not with "duplicity," the democratic choice, as it took for him a strategic value and choice should not be confused with a "a purely legalistic and parliamentary" [5]. Togliatti addition, considering the small parties almost unnecessary [6], preferred to close relations with the other two mass parties and the political line became a reality with achieving trade union unity [7], with the participation and support to national governments [8], from 1944 to 1947, and with the spirit of cooperation established in the Constituent Assembly. That was the fear of being politically marginalized that pushed the PCI research di queste convergenze è fuori discussione[9], ma, allo stesso modo, non sono opinabili gli altrettanto indiscussi benefici che questa linea politica portò alla giovane democrazia italiana.

La collaborazione nel governo tra le sinistre e la Dc non durò però a lungo. Le difficoltà di reggere politiche non propriamente “popolari” tipiche di un periodo d’austerità come quello del dopoguerra si fecero sentire nelle sinistre e soprattutto nel Pci. Allo stesso tempo le pressioni sulla Dc delle ali più conservatrici della Chiesa e, ancora di più degli americani, che si manifestarono in maniera evidente nel famoso viaggio del gennaio del 1947 negli Usa di De Gasperi, divennero fortissime e non più avoidable. In fact, Italy, because of its economic weakness, needed financial aid and the U.S. subordinated themselves to the expulsion of the Left government by the Statesman Trentino. The turning point was ratified in May 1947 with the formation of a new Cabinet De Gasperi devoid of the PCI and the PSI: from that moment on, the Communist Party did not return ever again in the Government of Italy.

Unlike what happened in a majority government, the Constituent Assembly continued its work in the same spirit of cooperation and those days were remembered as one of the most beautiful pages in the history of Italian politics. A significant step forward, especially, the foresight policy Palmiro Togliatti, che fu testimoniata anche da alcune clamorose posizioni[10], e che poneva, davanti a tutto, la nascita e la crescita della democrazia italiana, di cui il Pci sarebbe dovuto essere uno dei pilastri. Togliatti, che temeva molto le possibili reazioni della base del Partito alla cacciata dal governo, diede questa “risposta democratica” per smentire tutti quelli che affermavano che “i comunisti una volta al potere non lo lasciano più”[11].

Gli sforzi furono premiati e nel gennaio del 1948 fu approvata la nuova Costituzione, molto “avanzata” nei principi e nei contenuti, e la completa attuazione della stessa rappresentò il principale programma politico su cui fece leva il Pci negli other his forty years of life. The policy of the Communist Party did not like the other communist parties, which at their conference in Szklarska Poreba in Poland in September 1947 [12], with particular fury in particular the Yugoslav party, put on trial the entire leadership of the Communist Party, which on that occasion was led by Luigi Longo. Again Togliatti, reluctantly, he worked yet another change of direction tended to align the positions of the PCI to those of other communist forces. In the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party, held in Milan in January 1948, was "set aside" the original idea of \u200b\u200ban "Italian road to socialism" and emphasized the willingness of the organization towards the “Partito dei quadri” più consono all’ortodossia marxista-leninista.

Il Psi attraversò in quel periodo una crisi ancora più profonda. La scissione di Palazzo Barberini del gennaio del 1947 operata dal gruppo socialdemocratico di Saragat, e che indebolì il Psi di almeno un terzo dei consensi elettorali, provocò una ferita nel partito più antico d’Italia che, nei fatti, non fu mai rimarginata. Questo evento consegnò al Pci, da quel momento in poi, l’egemonia della sinistra italiana e creò un ribaltamento nei rapporti di forza atipico per l’Europa occidentale, dove era più usuale la presenza di un Partito socialista egemone e di governo e di un Partito comunista subalterno to it. Political analysts also spotted this anomaly in "very Italian" a major cause of the blockade of the Italian political system, with defined terms of "bipartisanship imperfect" or "polarized pluralism", the only democratic countries in Europe and not to be characterized by that vital democratic mechanism that is the alternation [13]. On the one hand, the split, the Psli [14] Saragat went to join the ranks of small parties that revolved around the DC, creating a very cohesive bloc moderate, the other of the PSI Nenni strengthened the already strong relationship with the PCI [15].

climate that led to the election of 18 April 1948 [16] was that of a real showdown. He faced two conflicting ideas of society: they left lever on the feeling of revenge of the workers and peasants, while the Christian Democrats, to win the approval of even those who were not his traditional voters and focuses on values \u200b\u200band sull'anticomunismo democracy and freedom [17]. The Christian Democrats, even with the aid policy of the Church, which moved all its imposing structure, not only economic aid and U.S. [18], came out the winner from the battle royale that obtaining an absolute majority of seats in parliament. The Popular Democratic Front, which came with a single symbol, bearing the portrait of Garibaldi, he was very much al di sotto della somma dei voti riportati dal Pci e dal Psiup nel 1946. Il risultato, eccessivamente negativo del Fronte, è spiegabile oltre che per la nascita della lista di Saragat, anche per una “consuetudine” della politica italiana: l’accorpamento di più liste produce, molto spesso, meno voti rispetto alla somma delle stesse. La vittoria della Dc in quelle elezioni rappresentò un momento decisivo per la storia del Paese. L’Italia decise il 18 aprile 1948 di essere parte integrante del campo occidentale e il voto ebbe anche l’effetto di consolidare una democrazia basata sulla molteplicità di partiti, e che rifiutava, definitivamente e diversamente dai paesi dell’est Europa, l’opzione della democrazia socialista.


[1] I dati del tesseramento dimostrano che il Pci superò i due milioni di iscritti fino al 1956.
Nello specifico segnaliamo i dati.di tesseramento del Pci dal 1946 al 1956:
1946: 2.068.272 iscritti; 1947: 2.252.446 iscritti; 1948: 2.115.232 iscritti; 1949: 2.027.271 iscritti; 1950: 2.112.593 iscritti; 1951: 2.097.830 iscritti; 1952: 2.093.540 iscritti; 1953: 2.134.285 iscritti; 1954: 2.145.317 iscritti; 1955: 2.090.006 iscritti; 1956: 2.035.353 iscritti.
Cfr. dal web Istituto Cattaneo – Archivio Adele.
[2] In ordine d’importanza nel radicamento del Pci: Emilia Romagna, Toscana ed Umbria.
[3] Le elezioni per la Costituente furono tenute the same day of the referendum that sanctioned with 54% of the vote early republican era and the end of the monarchy.
results of the three major parties in elections to the Constituent Assembly on 2 June 1946: 18.9%
PCI - Dc 35.2% - 20.7% Psi.
The Communist Party won 104 seats in the Constituent Assembly.
[4] See Agosti "History of the Communist Party", Editori Laterza.
[5] See Pistil "Pages of history of the Italian Communist Party," Lacaita Publishers.
[6] See Andreotti "A closer look", Rizzoli.
Giulio Andreotti said in his portrait of Togliatti of having heard, during a political meeting which saw the participation of all anti-fascist parties, from the voice of the Secretary of the Communist Party the phrase "small parties, small ideas."
[7] From 1944 it was refounded the CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour) with single-minded commitment of the three main currents: the communist area, the Socialist and Catholic. The National Secretary of the CGIL, since the war at the end of the PCI, were Di Vittorio (1944-1957), Novella (1957-1970), Lama (1970-1986), Pizzinato (1986-1988), Trentin (1988-1994)
[8] Ministers in the Governments of the PCI Bonomi Parri De Gasperi and were:
Togliatti, Scoccimarro, Gullo, Ferrari, Pesenti, Sereni.
See "Almanac PCI 75" and "Almanac PCI 76, PCI center section press and propaganda.
[9] See Agosti op. cit.
[10] A position of the Communist Party, during the sessions of the Constituent Assembly, which created friction with the same socialist was to have no objection to continue to consider valid the Lateran Pacts.
Colarizi See "History in Republican party", Editori Laterza.
[11] See Pistil op. cit.
[12] The Conference gave birth to an information office (Cominform), which effectively replaced the Comintern. Agosti
See op. cit.
[13] Galli "History of the Communist Party," Kaos editions, Galli "The bipartisan imperfect. Communists and Christian Democrats in Italy, " Sartori and the Mill "Theory of the parties and the Italian case," Sugarco.
[14] Later the name changed in Psli PSDI.
[15] The relationship between the PCI and the PSI were tight even before the Liberation to the point that had often been proposed merger between the two parties. See Longo
"Hypothesis of a merger between communists and socialists" and "For the creation of a single party of the working class and workers' essays from" The Communists and the unity of the working class "by the middle section of Party Schools the PCI.
[16] Results of the two major lists in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on April 18, 1948: Democratic Front
Popular 31% - 48.5% Dc.
The Popular Democratic Front won 187 seats in the House and 72 in the Senate.
[17] See Colarizi op. cit.
[18] The U.S. aid to Dc manifested itself in many different forms ranging from radio messages to the letters of the Italian immigrants in America. See Pistil op. cit.

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VI - L 'opposition in the years of "centrism"

PCI

In the terrible defeat of 1948 did not call into question the leadership of Togliatti, which remained firmly at the helm of the party assisted by Deputy Secretaries Luigi Longo and Peter Secchia. The Marxist-Leninist organizational structure which has arisen since the Sixth Congress [1], facilitating the holding of the leading group without trauma as well demonstrated the days following the July 14 1948, when the same Togliatti was the victim of an attack by the work of a young fanatic. Secchia and Longo were, at least when Togliatti was struggling between life and death, to take over the reins of the party and to block attempts of insurrection of the base. In fact they were still active "areas better organized" teams of partisans, and they still had a decent arsenal that steadily increased because in those days, in many cities, they were easily disarmed the police force [2]. When he was out of danger, the same Togliatti, the hospital bed, he hastened to restore order in the party with the historic phrase calling on the basis of "maintaining calma”[3]. L’attentato non fu privo di conseguenze politiche: la Cgil di Di Vittorio, che aveva promulgato subito dopo l’attentato lo sciopero generale, per le polemiche successive a questa decisione, si divise e proprio questo divenne, inserito nelle mutate condizioni politiche, l’evento scatenante che provocò la scissione della corrente cattolica, che diede vita alla Libera Cgil, in seguito Cisl, e di quella socialdemocratica e repubblicana, che fondò la Uil[4].

Gli anni della prima Legislatura repubblicana non furono semplici per il Pci, sottoposto com’era, al fuoco incrociato di Governo e Chiesa. Il Governo, anche utilizzando mezzi come la “celere” di Scelba, praticò while the systematic repression of numerous protest actions in the factories and campaigns organized by the PCI and the CGIL. The Church, which already had a very active role in the elections of 1948, continued with the propaganda against the PCI and the CGIL [5], which culminated in his excommunication against those who claimed to be communist or socialist-leaning lists. The unity with the Socialists, who continued in the CGIL and government red present mainly in Emilia Romagna, Tuscany and Umbria, the Marxist-Leninist organization, the struggles in the factories of the north-central and especially in the rural South, and increasing penetration into the Italian culture and society, changes seen For example, in struggles against nuclear power, the PCI avoided falling into a severe isolation. Very important to the Communist Party were the movements for peace, born after the beginning of the Korean War in 1950, which engaged the whole Party, with the important participation of the reconstituted FGCI [6], especially after the Seventh National Congress was held in Rome in April 1951.

After a short time the party managed to get out of this defensive position and returned to growth resuming its expansion witnessed by the advance in local elections of 1951 and 1952 [7]. But the most evident signs of recovery were seen later on, especially with the elections of 1953. The DC De Gasperi, carrying not a few forcing, passed a new electoral law, which granted, the coalition that was more than 50% of the vote, a substantial majority of the premium, which allowed to reach 65% of the seats. The fear of the Christian Democrats not to repeat the exploit of 1948 was evident and the reaction of the Communist Party, eagerly assisted by the CGIL, which called a general strike to what was dubbed the "Law scam", was fierce. The centrist coalition, to 57,000 votes, did not reach an absolute majority and the lack of objective together with the strong backing of the DC [8], marked the end of the De Gasperi. The PCI, capitalizing on five years of social and political struggles, [9] overcame the six million votes, but the satisfaction for the dual achievement, bankruptcy fraud and unquestioned primacy of the law in the Italian left, with almost 10 percentage points on the PSI, was short-lived, as the DC was still firmly in the government of the country and the Left as a whole still had a marginal political role.

also the social changes did not seem to go in a direction that could bring benefit to the PCI. The increased demand for labor led to urban centers, to the north and the large masses of foreign workers, who, having serious problems to be solved immediately, were little interested in the ideological struggle for social change [10 ]. Significant from this point of view, was the victory of the CISL, CGIL damage in the elections for the council to Fiat in 1955. For the Communist Party and the CGIL was an important opportunity for reflection. Victor spoke of Directors of the CGIL in a famous self-criticism that was destined to change the whole organization of the CGIL [11].

In an attempt to escape from this uncomfortable situation, the Left, especially the Socialist Party, attempted an approach to the area of \u200b\u200bgovernment and the election for President of the Republic of Gronchi with the casting vote of the left of the PCI in 1955 and abstaining Psi on the vote of confidence in the Government signs the beginning of 1956 [12] were the most important political acts of this strategy. There were also changes in the organization of the Communist Party, as the structure of Marxist-Leninist ideology had made it clear all the limits that had to grasp fully all the country's social and economic change. At the expense, among the greatest leaders, was Secchia, who lost the post of deputy secretary. The ruling class was gradually renovated, and the Party he abandoned, at least in part, the Marxist-Leninist organization to resume, more and more forms of the "new party" so dear to Togliatti.

1956 was a pivotal year in the history of the PCI. The Twentieth Congress of Soviet Communist Party, whose leadership had passed, after Stalin's death in 1953, in the hands of Khrushchev, was sorely under fire the whole policy of the most important Soviet dictator, was convicted and the use of the "cult of personality." The reactions of the PCI, at least at first, they were cautious and limit themselves to focusing on the innovative nature of the Soviet turning, focusing, in particular, the correctness of the original choices that the PCI had done in previous years [13] . Was Togliatti, in the following months, with an interview with the newspaper "New topics" to bring about a shift in position of the PCI. The "Best" [14], Pressing his hand on the excessive bureaucratization State, denounced in no uncertain terms the "degeneration" of the Soviet system that led to the cult of personality. With that stance Togliatti began to question the very idea of \u200b\u200b"Soviet model". But the road that would lead to a full range of PCI was still long and when the Polish communist government suppressed by force workers' demonstrations, the leadership of the Communist Party aligned itself with the positions of the Soviet Party.

and full of even more serious consequences was the crisis in Hungary. In the country a few months ago there were protests on the vibrating model of what had taken place in Poland. When the Hungarian government showed their intention to leave the Warsaw Pact broke, violent, Soviet repression. The tanks of the Red Army invaded the country and caused thousands of deaths. Again, although even more painful, the Communist Party was forced to match, but the political cost of that decision was very high. Some sectors of the Party, and especially the union, distanced themselves from the positions of the PCI. Among the critical positions are to be mentioned is that of one of victory over a hundred intellectuals in or around the party who signed a manifesto condemning hard. Despite all the criticism, the special relationship linking the Party with its militants [15], did not lead an immediate release of the majority of those managers who had expressed doubts. But in Italy the situation became difficult for the PCI and broke a climate of unprecedented anti-communism, partly because of Soviet intervention contrary position expressed by the Socialists. The Communist Party found itself, perhaps for the first time, completely isolated and the crisis of that year, in addition to the social changes that characterized the economic boom, was the main cause of the collapse of the impressive entries. The Communist Party lost more than 200,000 members and from that moment never reached the two million subscribers [16].

This crisis showed, however, the strength of the Communist Party which, despite everything, managed to withstand the harsh attacks [17]. The VIII Congress of the Communist Party held in December of 1956, did not seem at all to a party in check, but it was full of analysis and proposals, significant discussions were preceded by massive filled in the months preceding the sections and federations. The Party in that meeting relaunched its autonomy and the prospectus, for the first time in an official manner, the overcoming of the concept of the "party leadership" and an "Italian road to socialism." The insights of the past of Gramsci and Togliatti, starting from the position on Italian democracy, were brought forward with greater conviction. The "new-style democracy," understood as a phase transient that would later lead to socialism, the renewal of the leadership of the Party, begun in 1954, the union and autonomy were the watchwords of what would have been one of the most important conferences in the history of the PCI [18].

The main political consequence of the events of 1956 was the final sunset of the pact of united action between the PCI and the PSI. The Nenni's PSI, which in previous years had deeply been fascinated by Stalin's Soviet Union [19], I think, taking all the distances, its position on the most important socialist state. At the same time worked a Psi approach, and this time alone, the area of \u200b\u200bgovernment and especially the Christian Democrats and the PSDI, which seemed to be reciprocated by a political party government closer "to the opening on the left [20].

Despite the advanced DC and the PSI, the parliamentary elections of 1958 [21] formed the Communist Party held an unexpected and substantial, as the Party confirmed the results of previous elections. The satisfactory outcome of the election not deceived the leadership of the Communist Party is aware of having the most difficult period behind us, is necessary to impending changes in the party. But all that had happened in 1956 and the economic miracle had been included, compared to the ruling party, certainly better than the Secretary of the CGIL Giuseppe Di Vittorio [22], who was already confronted, before the others, with the issue of relations with the USSR and the new needs of workers. The union of Cerignola died November 3, 1957, while he was in Lecco for an event, but his policy was immediately taken into the party, especially by Giorgio Amendola.

After the elections of 1958 came forward, more and more, the possibility of ensuring the government socialists, that possibility is not met, at least in those months, fierce opposition from the Communist Party, which even in its ninth congress held in the first months of 1960, expressed the willingness to support a government of "center-left." In Congress were also spelled out the political conditions that would subject the support of the Communist Party and they consist in requesting a foreign policy less "pro-American" and a domestic policy of social reform and democratic [23]. In early 1960, the new majority of Democrats, array Dorothea, who had ousted the old fanfaniana majority, as in his classic "modus operandi" [24], and kept stalling on the rope the PSI for its entry to the government. It was in this complex political phase that was the crisis of the Government Signs. The President of the Republic gave Gronchi the task of forming a new government in Fernando Tambroni, the Left Democrats, who gained confidence with the casting vote of the MSI. Fascist Italy rose up, spread throughout the country and the clashes more spontaneous demonstrations took place in Genoa, Gold Medal of the Resistance, where, in July 1960, was scheduled for the Congress of the MSI. The vehemence of the protests, which went even further than the forecasts of the same Party, led to the resignation Tambroni and opened the doors "left open" and "center-left" [25].


[1] See Agosti op. cit.
[2] See Colarizi op. cit.
[3] See Cossutta “Una storia comunista”, Rizzoli.
[4] Cfr. Pistillo op. cit.
[5] La Cgil veniva descritta dalla Civiltà Cattolica come un’organizzazione che lavorava per “minare alla base la consistenza economica del paese e la sua ripresa”, e la sua azione “disgregatrice e sovvertitrice” era subordinata “ai particolari fini della lotta politica di un partito asservito a una centrale straniera”. Cf. Pistillo op. cit.
[6] “Dopo la liberazione la ricostruzione della Fgci fu decisa dal Comitato Centrale del PCI nel marzo del 1949. Enrico Berlinguer ne divenne il Segretario, carica che avrebbe mantenuto sino al 1956. Berlinguer diede un grande impulso alla Federazione giovanile, that in those years grew to 450,000 subscribers, and projected a major role in the international communist movement in 1950 and became Secretary of the World Federation of Democratic Youth. There were many initiatives and campaigns carried out among young Italians and widespread was the establishment of the organization in factories, schools and universities.
... In the early fifties, he was promoted, for example, the so-called Movement of the manufacturers, who had the task of encouraging militancy in the organization and inaugurated the great movement of the flags of peace, during the escalation of the Cold War . Enrico Berlinguer in 1951, del 30° anniversario della fondazione della Fgci, disse che la storia della Federazione giovanile “è stata la storia della gioventù italiana, della sua parte più cosciente ed attiva socialmente”.
… All’inizio degli anni ’60 cominciò a palesarsi il duplice problema del comunque sempre difficile rapporto con i giovani ed il legame con il Partito. In quegli anni, infatti, gli iscritti arrivano a 200.000 e la Federazione accentua i suoi tentativi di ricerca di un profilo autonomo.
Tra il 1961 e il 1966 Achille Occhetto fu il Segretario della Fgci.
Con l’esplosione del movimento del ’68 la Fgci attraversò una fase assai complicata e fu Renzo Imbeni, che della Fgci fu Segretario dal 1972 al 1975, a rilanciare l’azione della Federazione.
A Massimo D’Alema, Segretario della Fgci dal 1975 al 1980, spettò, invece, il difficile compito di affrontare la fase del movimento del 1977 e gli anni cupi della deriva del terrorismo.
Negli anni ’80 la Fgci fu guidata da Marco Fumagalli (dal 1980 al 1985) e da Pietro Folena (dal 1985 al 1989).
L'ultimo Segretario della Fgci, trasformatasi con la nascita del Pds in Sinistra Giovanile, fu Gianni Cuperlo. Cfr. Numero unico istituzionale di presentazione della storia della Fgci a cura della Direzione nazionale Fgci del P.d.c.i. .
[7] Cfr. Colarizi op. cit.
[8] Risultati dei maggiori partiti alle elezioni per la Camera dei Deputati del June 7, 1953: PCI
22.6% - 40.1% Dc - Psi 12.7%.
The Communist Party won 148 seats in the House and 54 in the Senate.
[9] See Pistil op cit.
[10] Agosti op. cit.
[11] See "The CGIL 1906-2006 and your rights," Number one for the centenary of the CGIL.
[12] Aldo Agosti op.cit.
[13] See Aldo Agosti op. cit.
[14] Togliatti was called the "Best" for a widespread appreciation of his political skills. The nickname was also used by political opponents, obviously with a derogatory sense. See Cossutta op. cit.
[15] The party was like a church and the discipline of a militant faith. Giuseppe Di Vittorio, for example, was forced to make self-criticism the position taken in relation to events in Hungary. See Simon
Colarizi op.cit.
[16] Data from the membership of the Communist Party from 1957 to 1968:
1957: 1,825,342 members; 1958: 1,818,606 members; 1959: 1,789,269 members; 1960: 1,792,974 members; 1961: 1,728,620 members; 1962: 1,630,550 members; 1963: 1,615,571 members; 1964: 1,641,214 members; 1965: 1,615,296 members; 1966: 1,575,935 members; 1967: 1,534,705 members; 1968: 1,502,862 students. Source cited.
[17] Agosti op. cit.
[18] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the press and propaganda of the Communist Party Central section.
[19] See Andreotti op. cit.
[20] See Colarizi op. cit.
[21] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 25, 1958: 22.7%
PCI - Dc 42.3% - 14.2% Psi.
The Communist Party won 149 seats in the House and 59 in the Senate.
[22] See "The CGIL 1906-2006 and your rights," Number one for the centenary of the CGIL.
[23] See "IX Congress of the Italian Communist Party. Acts and resolutions ", Editori Riuniti.
[24] See declarant, "Christian Democracy", Editori Riuniti.
[25] See Colarizi op. cit.

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VII - The center-left

With the economic boom the country became necessary new policies aimed at redistribution of wealth in such a way that the working class, migliorando il proprio tenore di vita, potesse “consumare” i prodotti italiani. Il coinvolgimento di almeno una parte della rappresentanza politica della classe operaia a queste nuove scelte divenne allora un elemento ineludibile ed il Psi, dal 1956, aveva iniziato, allontanandosi dal Pci, ad avvicinarsi alla Dc.

La nuova svolta nella politica italiana fu il frutto del lavoro dello statista pugliese Aldo Moro che, con accelerazioni improvvise e con brusche frenate, segnò i tempi dell’operazione d’avvicinamento, con il Governo Fanfani detto anche “delle convergenze parallele”, e dell’entrata dei socialisti di Nenni, con i suoi tre Governi dal 1963 al 1968. Il Pci, nella sua maggioranza[1], while being aware that the center-left would end the unity of the workers' forces, identified in the new political framework a more advanced terrain of struggle and this position was reinforced by the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party which was held in December of 1962, as well as supporting firmly establishing the new body region and enlargement of the powers of local self-government in general, dwelt at length on the potential of the new political phase. The main objective of the PCI Togliatti called for the center-left would have been the implementation of the Constitution [2].

The policy of the Communist Party of recent years towards the government could be summed up in an opposition "soft" in Parliament, but returned to be tough in the streets and in the country [3]. This position brought undoubted benefits to the PCI and the elections of 1963 [4] saw a significant advance of the Communists. The brilliant result, despite the steady decline of members in recent years, proved that the PCI had begun to reap acclaim well beyond its traditional constituency and that he had made the most of the new political spaces that were created with the entry of the PSI to the Government. The Communist Party began with the elections, also at the electorate by making breach of opinion, quell'ascesa that in a few years had led the party to decline steadily the distance from DC up to the possibility occurred only in the European elections of 1984, to realize the long-awaited "overtaking". Apart from a slight decline of the Socialists, it should be noted, of that election, the big shift of votes from Democrats to Liberal Party, which gained 3.5% of the votes compared to 1958, reaching 7%. A substantial slice of the electorate did not like the shift to the left of the DC and was shifted to the more soothing, more conservative, liberal shores.

In the following years became clearer that the purpose of Aldo Moro was to maintain the "centrality" of Democrats and at least we can say that that goal was achieved when considering the programmatic content, not propriamente riformatori, dei governi e le difficoltà a cui andò incontro il Psi in quegli anni, schiacciato tra Dc e Pci, nel giustificare il proprio ruolo nel Governo[5]. Il Pci, temendo che una buona riuscita del centro-sinistra potesse rafforzare la “conventio ad escludendum” nei suoi confronti, si tranquillizzò nel momento in cui prese atto delle difficoltà dei Governi Moro[6] e riprese le proprie manovre attaccando continuamente il Psi e lavorando per spingere la sinistra dello stesso partito verso la scissione.

Il 21 agosto del 1964 morì a Yalta Palmiro Togliatti. I suoi funerali, che videro la partecipazione di oltre un milione di persone, costituirono il più imponente momento di partecipazione popolare that the young Italian Republic had known until then. The final document of Togliatti, which was the political testament of the best and who was remembered as the "memorial of Yalta," reiterated the originality and diversity in ways that would have allowed the construction of socialist society, "unity in diversity" of international communist movement. The PCI

Togliatti was left by a party that, while continuing to stay anchored to the "democratic centralism" was beginning to feel the need to make visible those who, within it, were the sensitivities and policy options. The first Congress after the death of Best, the XI held in January 1966, the theater was the first confrontation took place "in the light of the sun" from the birth of new parts. The two policies that we faced were the "right" to Amendola, calling for unity with the Socialists and urgent reform of the institutions of the state in the direction of greater democratic participation, and the "left" of Ingrao, he saw in the organization of the best response to the new mass workers' unrest surfaced in those years. Amendola, while not had an absolute majority, sent Ingrao in the minority. Ingrao voting against, to the authority of the exponent communist who enjoyed to acclaim both inside and outside the Party, declared for the first time, the legitimacy of the political dissent.

The work of synthesis, pointing to the "renewal in continuity 'between the various spirits of the Party's leadership sealed Luigi Longo, who was elected Secretary-General after the death of Togliatti and worthy continuation of the policies of the late leader. Togliatti's successor in the role of the two strongest candidates were just Amendola and Ingrao, but Longo, if the guarantee of unity and continuity that gave his figure, which had held the post of deputy secretary with Togliatti and had always supported fairness and effectiveness Secretary, was the solution migliore per la segreteria del Partito[7]. Come ha giustamente ricordato Armando Cossutta “se Togliatti fu il grande protagonista della linea politica e della strategia dei comunisti, Longo ne fu l’intelligente costruttore”[8]. Sin da allora al giovane Enrico Berlinguer fu affidato il compito di affiancare Longo. Fu evidente a tutti che il Partito, con quella mossa, aveva già scelto il suo futuro leader[9]. Ma d'altro canto nonostante il caso di Ingrao può essere considerato di indubbia valenza politica e storica, gli avvenimenti degli anni successivi, in primis la vicenda del gruppo del “Manifesto”, dimostrarono che la strada che avrebbe dovuto condurre il Pci al superamento del metodo del “centralismo democratico” was still to go.

The elections of 1968 [10] showed clearly that the main losers in the center-left governments were socialists. To give more strength to the area that was left to the government of the country and finally to isolate the Communist Party, the PSI and the PSDI had formed the PSU (Unified Socialist Party). The new party, which put the ambitious goals of competing with the Communists for the hegemony of the left on one side and to create conditions for "the alternative to the Democrats the other, which was soundly defeated in elections in May a year of "the hottest" in Italian history. The PSU won, partly because of the split of the left wing of the Socialist Party which formed the PSIUP [11], much less than the sum of what the two parties that composed it had reported the previous election and the debacle led to the sunset of the "contractor" and, in a little while , a new split between the PSI and PSDI. On the other hand, the Democrats regained, probably at his right hand, 0.8%, while the real winners were the Communists, who drew the greatest benefits from the non-response of the center-left and went slowly, expelling all ventilated hypothesis crisis, in their ascent.


[1] The leader of the Communist Party who fought more for the approval of this line was Amendola che riuscì a convincere anche Togliatti. Cfr. Rossanda “La ragazza del secolo scorso”, Einuadi.
[2] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[3] Cfr. Colarizi op. cit.
[4] Risultati dei maggiori partiti alle elezioni per la Camera dei Deputati del 28 aprile 1963:
Pci 25,3% - Dc 38,3% - Psi 13,8%.
Il Pci ottenne 175 seggi alla Camera e 85 al Senato.
[5] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[6] Aldo Moro, considerato unanimemente tra i migliori politici italiani, non fu parimenti grande come uomo di governo. Le sue eterne mediazioni, che avevano ottenuto numerosi e indiscutibili successi nella politica, si scontravano con la necessità della decisione immediata tipica invece di chi si trova ad occupare the role of government. See Stone "Moro was real glory?", Garzanti, cf. Andreotti op. cit., cf. Colarizi op. cit.
[7] See Rossanda op. cit.
[8] Cossutta, op. cit.
[9] Longo Tile in the direction of the party was for Berlinguer opportunity to grow before you go to cover the most prestigious job. The weight of Berlinguer also had the opportunity to grow even more in subsequent years also because of the illness that recently prevented secretarial Longo full political activity.
[10] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 19, 1968: PCI
26.9% - 39.1% Dc - PSU 14.5%.
Il Pci ottenne 177 seggi alla Camera e 101 al Senato (con il Psiup).
[11] La parte maggioritaria del Psiup confluì nel 1972 nel Pci. Delle sue due minoranze interne la più grande formò il Pdup e la più piccola rientrò nel Psi.

Equity Derivatives It Interview

VIII - The '68 and the overcoming of the center-left

Nonostante il Pci continuasse, dopo le elezioni del 1968, ad essere escluso dall’area di governo, il Partito dimostrava di essere cresciuto e non solo dal punto di vista elettorale. Importante, nel processo di maturazione del Pci, volto all’assunzione di una nuova mentalità “di governo” e alla piena emancipazione dall’Urss, fu la posizione di simpatia e di vicinanza verso l’esperienza cecoslovacca della “primavera di Praga” e verso il leader dei comunisti cecoslovacchi Dubcek, che fu il vero protagonista del movimento di rinnovamento. A differenza di quanto era avvenuto nel 1956 in Ungheria, l’uso della forza dell’Unione Sovietica fu duramente condannato dal Pci, che con questo atto iniziò concretamente il suo distacco dal potente e ormai ingombrante alleato[1].

Il cammino, però, che avrebbe portato all’effettiva autonomia del Pci era ancora lungo ed il Partito circoscrisse il dissenso dall’Urss alla questione della Cecoslovacchia. Questa eccessiva prudenza nell’accelerare il distacco dall’Urss e l’accusa di incapacità di gestire e dare risposte, nonostante il personale impegno di Longo, a quelli che furono i movimenti degli studenti e degli operai del 1968-69 portarono all’opposizione, all’interno del Partito, del gruppo del “Manifesto” di Pintor, Rossanda, Magri, Castellina e Parlato, esponenti politici che erano stati molto vicini alle posizioni di Ingrao[2]. La radiazione dell’intero gruppo del 1969, anche se avvenuta dopo un notevole dibattito tra gli organismi dirigenti, mise in luce le carenze nella democrazia interna del Pci e l’incapacità del Partito, nonostante il precedente, pur differente, di Ingrao[3], di tollerare al suo interno posizioni nette di dissenso.

L’avvenimento che più d’ogni altro ci permette di ricordare il 1968 fu senza dubbio quell’incredibile movement to the liberalization of morals and the elimination of the company, starting from the universities involved, engulfing the whole country, and took the name of "movement of the sixty-eight." The PCI was taken aback by this incredible wave and the reactions of some leaders were almost nuisance against a highly ideological youth movement that had the clear intention not to take orders from no one [4]. In that movement began to explore other ways and were coming forward with force new models of Mao's China and Cuba's Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. The Communist Party was still an important point of reference and, after an initial slip, the Party, as opposed to when it happened a few years later, he managed to maintain an open dialogue with the new generation who rebelled [5]. The leading role of young people, to which he added, in close relation with it, a new leading role workers [6], difficulties in objectively a party that had never believed in the possibility that spontaneously and independently, large sections of society would rise up and design a better world.

In XII Congress of the PCI, the one that elected Deputy Secretary-General Enrico Berlinguer in fact preparing the successor to Luigi Longo and was held in February 1969, was redefined in the light of the recent movement, the Italian road to socialism through a strategy of reforms and it was stated The political objective of "a left-leaning government, open to the thrusts of the new society [7].

The Communist Party, as political opposition in Parliament, prompted by the need to keep in touch with social opposition, could no doubt to channel at least part of the movement, obviously getting the best results among the workers in the factories, even with the birth trade union unity between CGIL, CISL and UIL, and among the students, the majority of such care with which the Communist Party sought to safeguard the democratic organization of the country did not like very much and seemed to be "oppressive" [8]. The PCI failed to prevent, for the first time, the birth of a policy area to the left of "extra-parliamentary, another outlet for that part of that movement was not to be seduced by the largest party of the democratic left. This gap, which initially did not seem very serious, as a minority, eventually escalating in subsequent years, with consequences that went beyond the expected [9].

The PCI, as demonstrated by the election results and policy in subsequent years, certainly drew benefits from the "sixty" in the medium and long term, but in the short term the balance of power with other political parties in government did not change [10]. Also manifested themselves in a manner dark, conservative forces opposed to change and that is precisely in this context that there was the terrible massacre of Piazza Fontana, 12 December 1969. The case, which after years retains its shadows, was used by the more conservative Christian Democrats and the governing majority, that the "theory of extremists on both sides, tried to warn the public" right-thinking "from those they believed to be dangerous political changes [11]. The election for President of the Democratic Republic of the Lion in 1971, also voted by the right, and the birth of a government that excluded Andreotti also the PSI by the majority, demonstrated that the balance of power within Establishment of the Democrats turned in favor of the left. The center-left

meanwhile had run its course and the final crisis of the political formula coined by Aldo Moro in 1972 led for the first time in the history of the Italian Republic, the early parliamentary elections. The results of the elections of 1972 [12] saw a substantial holding of the DC and the PCI, the consolidation of a substantial decline in the PSI and MSI-Advanced National Right [13] that went up 8, 7%. The elections of 1972 as well as the first regional elections of June 7, 1970, in which the Communist Party had won in 15 regions with ordinary status, 27%, against 38% of the DC, and had won the government of Emilia Romagna, Toscana ed Umbria, dimostrarono che i risultati dell’ondata del “sessantotto” non si erano ancora manifestati, mentre fu chiaramente visibile la risposta conservatrice.


[1] Cfr. Agosti “Storia del Partito Comunista Italiano 1921 – 1991”, Editori Laterza.
[2] Cfr. Rossanda “La ragazza del secolo scorso”, Einaudi.
[3] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[4] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[5] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[6] La stretta relazione con il movimento studentesco ha portato qualcuno a parlare di esistenza per il movimento operaio di “un caso italiano”. Cfr. Grisoni e Portelli “Le lotte operaie in Italia dal 1960 al 1976”, Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli.
[7] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the central section of the press and Communist Party propaganda.
[8] See Agosti op. cit.
[9] See Zavoli "The Night of the Republic," The Unit.
[10] See Colarizi "History in Republican party", Editori Laterza.
[11] AA.VV. "Italy of P2, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore.
[12] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 7, 1972: PCI
27.1% - 38.7% Dc - Psi 9.6%.
The Communist Party won 188 seats in the House and 94 in the Senate (with the PSIUP).
[13] List consists of MSI and Monarch.

(cheaters)korean Movie Part1

IX - The great national solidarity and advanced

With the advance of the conservative forces, the PCI had an urgent need to escape from a situation of stagnation and the first answer was given at the XIII Congress of the Party, in March 1972 by the new Secretary-General Enrico Berlinguer that, in his introductory report, proposed a "government of democratic change" that saw the collaboration of the three main current popular: communist, socialist and Catholic [1]. In that context the unity of the Left was a "necessary but not sufficient".

A new breakthrough came in 1973 in the aftermath of the coup in Chile against Pinochet's government left Allende. Berlinguer, Italy n fearing that there might be a danger to democracy, relaunched, with intervention on Rebirth, the line of a "historic compromise", an alliance in defense of democratic institutions of the three popular parties [2]. Berlinguer saw the Christian Democrats, not as a monolithic party and conservative, but as a force in constant evolution, inside which were present in addition to the reactionary forces, which are important elements that were popular, and had to be persuaded to cooperate with the PCI. In subsequent years the leader of the Communist Party continued to pursue this policy and have proposed enlarging an alliance with the Christian Democrats not just defensive, but also program that places itself ambitious targets and advanced to the point to assume a majority government, the solidarity that knits Catholic with the struggles of the communists, could point to overcome the system with the gradual inclusion of elements of socialism [3].

The first fruits of the season of "sixty" were seen in 1974 with the referendum for the repeal of the law on divorce, which was approved in 1970. The Secretary Fanfani Democrat pressed his own party to extremist views and wanted a referendum at all costs that the PCI, is also ready to make concessions, he wanted to avoid [4]. But when the referendum was officially called the Communist Party broke with the delay and sided with the whole its organizational strength for the "No" and the results were surprising. The "No" stravinse reaching 60% of the votes actually showing how the Italian company had changed in the years after 1968. The many people, even non-registered parties, which were mobilized for the "No" to the referendum also showed a desire to participate that could not be underestimated. The PCI itself is steadily increasing in recent years their members [5], become, in 1976, the first party for enrollment, after 13 years in which the first was the DC.

The fact that the country had moved "left" emerged in a clear and unequivocal elezioni amministrative del 1975. Prima di quelle elezioni il Pci amministrava solo le tre regioni rosse e pochissime altre province e comuni capoluogo al di fuori dell’Emilia, della Toscana e dell’Umbria[6]. Dopo il big bang del 15 giugno 1975, il Pci, con il Psi e in qualche caso anche con il Psdi e Pri, si trovò in maggioranza in sei regioni, aggiungendo ai governi nelle tre solite regioni rosse il Piemonte, la Liguria e il Lazio[7], nella metà delle province[8], nel 40% dei comuni capoluogo[9], in un terzo di tutti i comuni italiani e in quasi tutte le maggiori città[10]. In percentuale il Pci superò per la prima volta il 30 per cento raggiungendo il 33,4% contro il 35,2% della Dc e per le elezioni successive it was realistic the hypothesis of overtaking.

Bodies Party leaders, elected in March 1975 during the XIV Congress, "emptied" and many came to occupy institutional frameworks in local government [11]. The Party in Italy was confronted at this point with the problems of governance and implementation of programs, regions, provinces and cities in which, having never been administered by the left, there were expectations of change, both citizens enrolled in or militants, who had increased in the many years of opposition by the Communist Party [12]. In Congress, Berlinguer, in addition to abandon the idea of \u200b\u200bremoval from the Born in Italy, aveva rilanciato la strategia del “compromesso storico”[13] e ne aveva allargato gli orizzonti da prospettiva per un nuovo a governo a trasformazione democratica della società. In quell’assise Berlinguer, considerato il malcostume che dilagava all’interno dei partiti, pose con forza anche la cosiddetta “questione morale” che si basava sul recupero di “senso dello Stato” da parte dei partiti e degli attori della politica[14].

Alle elezioni politiche del 20 giugno 1976[15] si arrivò con la consapevolezza che il primato democristiano era per la prima volta in discussione e si riaffacciò nell’elettorato moderato la “paura del sorpasso comunista” che ottenne il result of merging the lists all consents moderate Democrats and empty lists starting with the smaller Liberal Party, which in the electoral race dropped below 2%. The Democrats held the majority stake, while the Communist Party, while reaching its record high with 34.4%, failed to impair the supremacy of the Christian Democrats. But the polarization of the electorate on the two major parties, which together have over three quarters of the votes, the government was necessary collaboration between DC and PCI. A first official act of the adjustment between the DC and the PCI was the election of a Speaker of the House Ingrao [16].

Despite the mistrust of the USA, the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party, with the tireless work of their leader Aldo Moro, who, though not the secretary of the Christian Democrats in fact deeply affects the line [17], and Enrico Berlinguer found an agreement for the formation of a single color chaired by Christian Democrat Giulio Andreotti, who saw the abstention of the Communist Party . The result obtained, which are not fully satisfied with the PCI [18], meant that the Party of Berlinguer, breaking the ruling anti-communist government fell in the period after waiting nearly thirty years.

Obviously the PCI hoped that this was only the first step in taking responsibility larger, but the other side gave the fruits a much larger strategy of the DC, which was intended to erode the Communist Party, to stop on entry to the real government of the PCI. The Communist Party, while gaining some small achievement by the Government despite the worsening economic situation caused by inflation, found himself in the uncomfortable position of having responsibility without real power, as they made increasingly strong pressure from the base [19].

The real problems, in fact, the PCI took them to his left where the break with the extra-parliamentary area, which had been dormant until then, had become much deeper. The popular movement of 1977, from the hegemony of the "Worker Autonomy" [20], became very radical tone of criticism nei confronti della linea politica del Pci, che dal suo canto, sempre di più, sembrava accettare quella politica “dei due tempi”, che subordinava le riforme al risanamento, e che era stata contestata ai socialisti all’epoca del centrosinistra. La protesta fu contrassegnata anche da gesti clamorosi, come la cacciata di Lama, segretario generale della Cgil, dall’Università di Roma nel febbraio del 1977[21], e soprattutto da una violenza diffusa caratterizzata da importanti scontri che vedevano contrapporsi manifestanti e Forze dell’ordine.

La nascita e la successiva crescita dei gruppi terroristici “rossi” complicarono ulteriormente la situazione del Pci, che si vide stretto tra le difficoltà di spingere nei confronti della Dc per ottenere risposte “più avanzate” dal Governo e la necessità di dovere assumere un ruolo di responsabilità che isolasse i terroristi. Quando il Pci riuscì ad ottenere dalla Dc qualcosa di più concreto, ovvero l’accordo che avrebbe riconosciuto l’entrata del Partito nella maggioranza di governo, il più importante gruppo terroristico, le Brigate Rosse, misero a segno il più grave attentato terroristico della storia dell’Italia repubblicana: il rapimento di Aldo Moro[22].

Il 16 marzo del 1978 si discuteva in Parlamento la fiducia al nuovo Governo Andreotti, definito di “solidarietà nazionale”, che sanciva il nuovo accordo tra DC and PCI. The Red Brigades kidnapped, with a bloody massacre, the leading Democrat, Max proponent of the new political agreement, and, after lengthy negotiations that divided political parties in Italy and killed him. The PCI was found to be forced to maintain confidence in a government that does not keep any of the promises of change and which, in any other situation, you would definitely contrary.

The Communist Party was able to disengage from the government only in January 1979 and paid dearly for the delay, certainly not wanted, with whom he developed this position [23]. The XV Congress of the Communist Party in April 1979 he tried to re-weave the threads of the Party after the traumatic experiences of those years and presented again, in place of national solidarity, the strategy of "democratic alternative" that saw the protagonists Catholic and secular forces [24]. Berlinguer reaffirmed the link between democracy and socialism, and tied in a perspective of transformation, the Communist Party to the other European communist parties, especially the French and English, in a meeting that was called with the name "Eurocommunism" or a "third way "between Social Democracy and Socialism real [25].


[1] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the central section of the press and Communist Party propaganda.
[2] See Agosti op. cit.
[3] See Veltroni "The challenge interrupted. Le idee di Enrico Berlinguer”, Baldini&Castaldi.
[4] Cfr. Chiarante “La Democrazia cristiana”, Editori riuniti.
[5] Dati del tesseramento del Pci dal 1969 al 1976:
1969: 1.503.816 iscritti; 1970: 1.507.047 iscritti; 1971: 1.521.642 iscritti; 1972: 1.584.659 iscritti; 1973: 1.623.082 iscritti; 1974: 1.657.825 iscritti; 1975: 1.730.453 iscritti; 1976: 1.814.262 iscritti.
Fonte citata.
[6] Cfr. “Almanacco Pci ‘76” a cura della sezione centrale stampa e propaganda Pci.
[7] Il Pci, nella sua storia, riuscì solo nel 1976 ad amministrare contemporaneamente 6 regioni.
Nella storia delle Regioni tutte le giunte regionali che videro la presenza del Pci furono:
Emilia Romagna: 1970-76 Fanti (Pci), 1976-78 Cavina (Pci), 1978-87 Turci (Pci), 1987-90 Guerzoni (Pci);
Toscana: 1970-78 Lagorio (Psi), 1978-83 (Leone (Psi), 1983-90 Barolini (Pci);
Umbria: 1970-76 Conti (Pci), 1976-1987 Marri (Pci), 1987-90 Mandarini (Pci);
Piemonte: 1975-80 Viglione (Psi), 1980-83 Enrietti (Psi), 1983-85 Viglione (Psi);
Liguria: 1975-79 Carossino (Pci), 1979-80 Magliotto (Psi);
Lazio: 1976-77 Ferrara (Pci);
Sardegna: 1980-82 Rais (Psi), 1982-89 Melis (Partito Sardo D’Azione);
Valle d’Aosta: 1973-74 Dujany (Democratici Popolari).
Va segnalata inoltre la particolare esperienza che si ebbe in Sicilia tra il 1958 ed il 1960 e che vide alla presidenza l'ex democristiano Silvio Milazzo con un'atipica maggioranza che comprendeva Unione Siciliana Cristiano Sociale (il partito fondato da Milazzo), il Msi, il Psdi, il Pli, il Pri, con l'appoggio del Psi e del Pci.
Il Pci quindi non ha mai amministrato le regioni Lombardia, Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Trentino Alto Adige, Marche, Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria.
[8] Giunte di sinistra costituite tra il 1975 e il 1976 nelle Province (46 su 92) si formarono a:
Alessandria, Torino, Vercelli, Genova, La Spezia, Savona, Cremona, Mantova, Milano, Pavia, Rovigo, Venezia, Bologna, Ferrara, Forlì, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, Ravenna, Reggio Emilia, Arezzo, Firenze, Grosseto, Livorno, Pisa, Pistoia, Massa Carrara, Siena, Ancona, Ascoli, Pesaro, Perugia, Terni, Rieti, Pescara, Teramo, Avellino, Napoli, Salerno, Matera, Foggia, Taranto, Cagliari, Nuoro, Sassari, Cosenza.
[9] Giunte di sinistra costituite tra il 1975 e il 1976 nei Comuni capoluogo di Provincia (39 su 95) si formarono a:
Aosta, Alessandria, Asti, Torino, Vercelli, Genova, Imperia, La Spezia, Savona, Cremona, Mantova, Milano, Pavia, Venezia, Bologna, Ferrara, Forlì, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, Ravenna, Reggio Emilia, Arezzo, Firenze, Grosseto, Livorno, Pisa, Pistoia, Massa Carrara, Siena, Ancona, Pesaro, Perugia, Terni, Roma, Rieti, Napoli, Sassari, Cosenza.
[10] The left-biennium 1975-76 administered by the Rome, Milan, Naples, Turin, Genoa, Florence and Bologna. Practically every major city except Palermo, Catania and Bari
[11] See Cossutta, Stefanini, Zang "Decentralization and Participation", Editori Riuniti.
[12] Agosti op. cit.
[13] See Berlinguer "Current and Future", The Unit and Veltroni op. cit.
[14] See op Veltroni. cit.
[15] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on June 20, 1976: PCI
34.4% - DC 38.6% - 9.6% Psi.
The Communist Party won 227 seats in the House and 116 in the Senate.
[16] In the next parliamentary term, although he had concluded the agreement between the DC and PCI, the President of the Chamber to give the Communist Party, who had returned to be the largest opposition party, became a custom. Pietro Ingrao's place was taken by the Legislature following Nilde Iotti.
[17] Gorres, Pansa, Tornabuoni "Thirty years later. The Democratic regime in the storm, "Pocket Bompiani.
[18] See Rossanda op. cit.
[19] See Agosti op. cit. and Rossanda op. cit.
[20] See AA.VV. "Seventy-seven," DeriveApprodi.
[21] See AA.VV. "Seventy-seven," DeriveApprodi.
[22] See Zavoli "Once upon a time the First Republic", Mondadori Zavoli and "The Night of the Republic," The Unit.
[23] Agosti op. cit.
[24] See Berlinguer op. cit.
[25] See Di Napoli "L'Eurocommunism between history and history", published by Paulist Press.

Metal Core Scooter Weehls.ch

X - The Return of the opposition

In early elections in June 1979 [1], the Communist Party lost 4% from the previous elections [2], while the political clout of the Christian Democrats remained unchanged. The PSI, who had lived the last years totally crushed between the DC and the PCI, with the change of leadership in the hands of domestic over Craxi and the change in the political situation, while remaining stable from the electoral point of view, he began increasingly to take up space, aiming to be the balance between the two main parties [3].

behavior "pirate" of the PSI was manifested even after the regional elections of 8 June 1980, when the Party of Craxi put difficulties in the Communist Party, fell to 31.5% in the election [4], not confirming it with the alliance formed in all the joints in the years 1975-76. The DC, rising to 36.8%, while as many as possible to regain lost government in previous years, she used to offer these in the guide to the PSI, of course with the obligation Craxi's party to change the outgoing majority. After long-ranged, local governance and with the DC that the Communist Party, the Party of Craxi stably formulated at the national level, an alliance of government with the Christian Democrats, by weighing more and more requests for places in power, its role as the party of the border [5]. Even the small parties, Liberal Party, the PRI and PSDI returned alliance which was called by the number of parties that made it up, "penta". The penta, unlike the center-left, was not raised the goal to develop an image of a reformer, but characterized it simply the inherent tendency for the conservation of power and the division of same, hiding behind this intention a word much in vogue in that period: governance [6]. The Communist Party found itself back in opposition, and above all completely isolated.

The situation is further complicated by the final break with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that occurred in the early '80s [7]. After strongly condemned the invasion of Afghanistan, reiterating the desire of the party to no longer leave NATO, was the coup in Poland to say the last word in the relationship between the Party and what he could, at that point, be considered under state guidance. Enrico Berlinguer, with a television interview, closed "the thrust of the October Revolution [8]. The statement, which caused great uproar, caused a major rift in the party, with the wing-Soviet, headed by Armando Cossutta, who rose up and began an internal battle that nostalgic gathering support in the base, continued for different reasons, until the end of the PCI [9].

Berlinguer, for which he had fallen out of isolation in the Communist Party, tried to recall that in Italy the leading role of the social opposition that was obviously a bit 'tarnished during the years of national solidarity. The party tries to rebuild the alliances in the base of Country, seeking convergence with the new social forces that were calling for the renewal of Italian society and resuming relations with what was the traditional social reference of the Communist Party, the working class. In this should be read in the battles against the installation Euromissile, peace, and especially in the case of factory workers in 1980. The Communist Party in that fight went so far as to bypass the role of the CGIL and the final defeat and the one set years after the referendum, which was strongly backed by Berlinguer, to defend the "sliding scale" deleted by Craxi, indelibly marked in the Party .

The Communist Party began to notice that the company was changing and that the party even as he was beginning to be an inadequate tool to address and rule change. Members began to decline [10] with the same constancy with which had increased until 1976 and the party began to imagine that someone had taken the path of decline. Among these there was no doubt that Enrico Berlinguer continued with undiminished passion for politics to proceed to attempt to renew the Party of Italian politics and [11]. In XVI Congress of the Communist Party in March of 1983, Enrico Berlinguer, as well as take stock of relations with the USSR and to revive the democratic alternative, placed in the middle of his speech that was his greatest conviction, la “questione morale”, ritenendola di vitale importanza per il risanamento dello Stato.

Alle elezioni del 1983[12] chi pagò il prezzo più salato della crisi della politica di quegli anni fu la Dc, che perse, nonostante un tentativo di rinnovamento tentato negli ultimi mesi dal nuovo segretario Ciriaco De Mita, il 5,4% rispetto al 1979. Nella precedente Legislatura la Dc aveva anche ceduto la guida del governo, che per la prima volta era andata ad un laico, il repubblicano Giovanni Spadolini. La linea aggressiva del Psi, invece, pagò, ed il Partito di Craxi salì dell’ 1,6% rispetto al 1979 e pretese, per il suo leader, la Presidenza del Consiglio. Il Pci, grazie soprattutto al carisma di Berlinguer, Can you take losing only 0.5% of the vote compared to 1979.

year the European elections in 1984, was for the Communist Party a year of intense struggle. These concern both the defense of "sliding scale" in which he found himself alone with the PCI to the CGIL, both for peace, in which the Party was able to involve other sectors of society that traditionally were not close to the positions of the PCI [ 13]. The PCI approaching the European elections was thus a party that was trying to overcome its difficulties, but on 11 June 1984, after an agony lasted three days, died Enrico Berlinguer. The Sardinian leader had suffered a sudden illness during a rally in Padua during the election campaign [14]. At the funeral of Enrico Berlinguer was repeated the extraordinary participation of people who had had thirty years earlier at the funeral of Togliatti and it must be remembered the emotional presence of the President of the Republic, the former militant socialist Sandro Pertini, who considered the late leader like a son [15]. The European elections [16], in the wake of the wave of national excitement, gave him a posthumous award to the consistency of Enrico Berlinguer. His name was also written on the ballot by more than 600,000 voters and the Communist Party, in the only time in its history, he obtained a relative majority in Italy.


[1] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies of June 3, 1979: PCI
30.4% - 38.3% Dc - Psi 9.8%.
The Communist Party won 201 seats in the House and 109 in the Senate.
[2] The decline was also confirmed in the first elections for the European Parliament which took place June 10, 1979. The Communist Party in that election result was 29.7% of the votes against 36.4% of the DC.
The Communist Party won 24 seats in Parliament.
[3] See Colarizi op. cit.
[4] However, this result should be added the 1, 2% of Pdup, merged a few months after the PCI.
[5] See Colarizi op. cit.
[6] See Agosti op. cit.
[7] Cf Pansa "October Farewell - A journey through the Communist Italian, Mondadori.
[8] See Veltroni op. cit.
[9] See Cossutta "a common history," Rizzoli.
[10] Data from the membership of the Communist Party from 1977 to 1990:
1977: 1,814,154 members; 1978: 1,790,450 members;, 1979: 1,761,297 members; 1980: 1,751,323 members; 1981: 1,714,052 Members , 1982: 1,673,751 members; 1983: 1,635,264 members, 1984: 1,619,940 members; 1985: 1,595,281 members; 1986: 1,551,576 members; 1987: 1,508,140 members; 1988: 1,462,281 members; 1989: 1,421,230 subscribers, 1,264,790 members in 1990.
source cited.
[11] See Berlinguer op. cit.
[12] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies June 26, 1983: PCI
29.9% - 32.9% Dc - Psi 11.4%.
The Communist Party won 198 seats in the House and 107 in the Senate.
[13] See Colarizi op. cit.
[14] See op Veltroni. cit.
[15] See op Veltroni. cit.
[16] Results of the major parties to the European elections of June 17, 1984: PCI
33.3% - 33.0% Dc.
The Communist Party won 27 seats in Parliament.