Nonostante il Pci continuasse, dopo le elezioni del 1968, ad essere escluso dall’area di governo, il Partito dimostrava di essere cresciuto e non solo dal punto di vista elettorale. Importante, nel processo di maturazione del Pci, volto all’assunzione di una nuova mentalità “di governo” e alla piena emancipazione dall’Urss, fu la posizione di simpatia e di vicinanza verso l’esperienza cecoslovacca della “primavera di Praga” e verso il leader dei comunisti cecoslovacchi Dubcek, che fu il vero protagonista del movimento di rinnovamento. A differenza di quanto era avvenuto nel 1956 in Ungheria, l’uso della forza dell’Unione Sovietica fu duramente condannato dal Pci, che con questo atto iniziò concretamente il suo distacco dal potente e ormai ingombrante alleato[1].
Il cammino, però, che avrebbe portato all’effettiva autonomia del Pci era ancora lungo ed il Partito circoscrisse il dissenso dall’Urss alla questione della Cecoslovacchia. Questa eccessiva prudenza nell’accelerare il distacco dall’Urss e l’accusa di incapacità di gestire e dare risposte, nonostante il personale impegno di Longo, a quelli che furono i movimenti degli studenti e degli operai del 1968-69 portarono all’opposizione, all’interno del Partito, del gruppo del “Manifesto” di Pintor, Rossanda, Magri, Castellina e Parlato, esponenti politici che erano stati molto vicini alle posizioni di Ingrao[2]. La radiazione dell’intero gruppo del 1969, anche se avvenuta dopo un notevole dibattito tra gli organismi dirigenti, mise in luce le carenze nella democrazia interna del Pci e l’incapacità del Partito, nonostante il precedente, pur differente, di Ingrao[3], di tollerare al suo interno posizioni nette di dissenso.
L’avvenimento che più d’ogni altro ci permette di ricordare il 1968 fu senza dubbio quell’incredibile movement to the liberalization of morals and the elimination of the company, starting from the universities involved, engulfing the whole country, and took the name of "movement of the sixty-eight." The PCI was taken aback by this incredible wave and the reactions of some leaders were almost nuisance against a highly ideological youth movement that had the clear intention not to take orders from no one [4]. In that movement began to explore other ways and were coming forward with force new models of Mao's China and Cuba's Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. The Communist Party was still an important point of reference and, after an initial slip, the Party, as opposed to when it happened a few years later, he managed to maintain an open dialogue with the new generation who rebelled [5]. The leading role of young people, to which he added, in close relation with it, a new leading role workers [6], difficulties in objectively a party that had never believed in the possibility that spontaneously and independently, large sections of society would rise up and design a better world.
In XII Congress of the PCI, the one that elected Deputy Secretary-General Enrico Berlinguer in fact preparing the successor to Luigi Longo and was held in February 1969, was redefined in the light of the recent movement, the Italian road to socialism through a strategy of reforms and it was stated The political objective of "a left-leaning government, open to the thrusts of the new society [7].
The Communist Party, as political opposition in Parliament, prompted by the need to keep in touch with social opposition, could no doubt to channel at least part of the movement, obviously getting the best results among the workers in the factories, even with the birth trade union unity between CGIL, CISL and UIL, and among the students, the majority of such care with which the Communist Party sought to safeguard the democratic organization of the country did not like very much and seemed to be "oppressive" [8]. The PCI failed to prevent, for the first time, the birth of a policy area to the left of "extra-parliamentary, another outlet for that part of that movement was not to be seduced by the largest party of the democratic left. This gap, which initially did not seem very serious, as a minority, eventually escalating in subsequent years, with consequences that went beyond the expected [9].
The PCI, as demonstrated by the election results and policy in subsequent years, certainly drew benefits from the "sixty" in the medium and long term, but in the short term the balance of power with other political parties in government did not change [10]. Also manifested themselves in a manner dark, conservative forces opposed to change and that is precisely in this context that there was the terrible massacre of Piazza Fontana, 12 December 1969. The case, which after years retains its shadows, was used by the more conservative Christian Democrats and the governing majority, that the "theory of extremists on both sides, tried to warn the public" right-thinking "from those they believed to be dangerous political changes [11]. The election for President of the Democratic Republic of the Lion in 1971, also voted by the right, and the birth of a government that excluded Andreotti also the PSI by the majority, demonstrated that the balance of power within Establishment of the Democrats turned in favor of the left. The center-left
meanwhile had run its course and the final crisis of the political formula coined by Aldo Moro in 1972 led for the first time in the history of the Italian Republic, the early parliamentary elections. The results of the elections of 1972 [12] saw a substantial holding of the DC and the PCI, the consolidation of a substantial decline in the PSI and MSI-Advanced National Right [13] that went up 8, 7%. The elections of 1972 as well as the first regional elections of June 7, 1970, in which the Communist Party had won in 15 regions with ordinary status, 27%, against 38% of the DC, and had won the government of Emilia Romagna, Toscana ed Umbria, dimostrarono che i risultati dell’ondata del “sessantotto” non si erano ancora manifestati, mentre fu chiaramente visibile la risposta conservatrice.
[1] Cfr. Agosti “Storia del Partito Comunista Italiano 1921 – 1991”, Editori Laterza.
[2] Cfr. Rossanda “La ragazza del secolo scorso”, Einaudi.
[3] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[4] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[5] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[6] La stretta relazione con il movimento studentesco ha portato qualcuno a parlare di esistenza per il movimento operaio di “un caso italiano”. Cfr. Grisoni e Portelli “Le lotte operaie in Italia dal 1960 al 1976”, Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli.
[7] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the central section of the press and Communist Party propaganda.
[8] See Agosti op. cit.
[9] See Zavoli "The Night of the Republic," The Unit.
[10] See Colarizi "History in Republican party", Editori Laterza.
[11] AA.VV. "Italy of P2, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore.
[12] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 7, 1972: PCI
27.1% - 38.7% Dc - Psi 9.6%.
The Communist Party won 188 seats in the House and 94 in the Senate (with the PSIUP).
[13] List consists of MSI and Monarch.
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