In early elections in June 1979 [1], the Communist Party lost 4% from the previous elections [2], while the political clout of the Christian Democrats remained unchanged. The PSI, who had lived the last years totally crushed between the DC and the PCI, with the change of leadership in the hands of domestic over Craxi and the change in the political situation, while remaining stable from the electoral point of view, he began increasingly to take up space, aiming to be the balance between the two main parties [3].
behavior "pirate" of the PSI was manifested even after the regional elections of 8 June 1980, when the Party of Craxi put difficulties in the Communist Party, fell to 31.5% in the election [4], not confirming it with the alliance formed in all the joints in the years 1975-76. The DC, rising to 36.8%, while as many as possible to regain lost government in previous years, she used to offer these in the guide to the PSI, of course with the obligation Craxi's party to change the outgoing majority. After long-ranged, local governance and with the DC that the Communist Party, the Party of Craxi stably formulated at the national level, an alliance of government with the Christian Democrats, by weighing more and more requests for places in power, its role as the party of the border [5]. Even the small parties, Liberal Party, the PRI and PSDI returned alliance which was called by the number of parties that made it up, "penta". The penta, unlike the center-left, was not raised the goal to develop an image of a reformer, but characterized it simply the inherent tendency for the conservation of power and the division of same, hiding behind this intention a word much in vogue in that period: governance [6]. The Communist Party found itself back in opposition, and above all completely isolated.
The situation is further complicated by the final break with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that occurred in the early '80s [7]. After strongly condemned the invasion of Afghanistan, reiterating the desire of the party to no longer leave NATO, was the coup in Poland to say the last word in the relationship between the Party and what he could, at that point, be considered under state guidance. Enrico Berlinguer, with a television interview, closed "the thrust of the October Revolution [8]. The statement, which caused great uproar, caused a major rift in the party, with the wing-Soviet, headed by Armando Cossutta, who rose up and began an internal battle that nostalgic gathering support in the base, continued for different reasons, until the end of the PCI [9].
Berlinguer, for which he had fallen out of isolation in the Communist Party, tried to recall that in Italy the leading role of the social opposition that was obviously a bit 'tarnished during the years of national solidarity. The party tries to rebuild the alliances in the base of Country, seeking convergence with the new social forces that were calling for the renewal of Italian society and resuming relations with what was the traditional social reference of the Communist Party, the working class. In this should be read in the battles against the installation Euromissile, peace, and especially in the case of factory workers in 1980. The Communist Party in that fight went so far as to bypass the role of the CGIL and the final defeat and the one set years after the referendum, which was strongly backed by Berlinguer, to defend the "sliding scale" deleted by Craxi, indelibly marked in the Party .
The Communist Party began to notice that the company was changing and that the party even as he was beginning to be an inadequate tool to address and rule change. Members began to decline [10] with the same constancy with which had increased until 1976 and the party began to imagine that someone had taken the path of decline. Among these there was no doubt that Enrico Berlinguer continued with undiminished passion for politics to proceed to attempt to renew the Party of Italian politics and [11]. In XVI Congress of the Communist Party in March of 1983, Enrico Berlinguer, as well as take stock of relations with the USSR and to revive the democratic alternative, placed in the middle of his speech that was his greatest conviction, la “questione morale”, ritenendola di vitale importanza per il risanamento dello Stato.
Alle elezioni del 1983[12] chi pagò il prezzo più salato della crisi della politica di quegli anni fu la Dc, che perse, nonostante un tentativo di rinnovamento tentato negli ultimi mesi dal nuovo segretario Ciriaco De Mita, il 5,4% rispetto al 1979. Nella precedente Legislatura la Dc aveva anche ceduto la guida del governo, che per la prima volta era andata ad un laico, il repubblicano Giovanni Spadolini. La linea aggressiva del Psi, invece, pagò, ed il Partito di Craxi salì dell’ 1,6% rispetto al 1979 e pretese, per il suo leader, la Presidenza del Consiglio. Il Pci, grazie soprattutto al carisma di Berlinguer, Can you take losing only 0.5% of the vote compared to 1979.
year the European elections in 1984, was for the Communist Party a year of intense struggle. These concern both the defense of "sliding scale" in which he found himself alone with the PCI to the CGIL, both for peace, in which the Party was able to involve other sectors of society that traditionally were not close to the positions of the PCI [ 13]. The PCI approaching the European elections was thus a party that was trying to overcome its difficulties, but on 11 June 1984, after an agony lasted three days, died Enrico Berlinguer. The Sardinian leader had suffered a sudden illness during a rally in Padua during the election campaign [14]. At the funeral of Enrico Berlinguer was repeated the extraordinary participation of people who had had thirty years earlier at the funeral of Togliatti and it must be remembered the emotional presence of the President of the Republic, the former militant socialist Sandro Pertini, who considered the late leader like a son [15]. The European elections [16], in the wake of the wave of national excitement, gave him a posthumous award to the consistency of Enrico Berlinguer. His name was also written on the ballot by more than 600,000 voters and the Communist Party, in the only time in its history, he obtained a relative majority in Italy.
[1] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies of June 3, 1979: PCI
30.4% - 38.3% Dc - Psi 9.8%.
The Communist Party won 201 seats in the House and 109 in the Senate.
[2] The decline was also confirmed in the first elections for the European Parliament which took place June 10, 1979. The Communist Party in that election result was 29.7% of the votes against 36.4% of the DC.
The Communist Party won 24 seats in Parliament.
[3] See Colarizi op. cit.
[4] However, this result should be added the 1, 2% of Pdup, merged a few months after the PCI.
[5] See Colarizi op. cit.
[6] See Agosti op. cit.
[7] Cf Pansa "October Farewell - A journey through the Communist Italian, Mondadori.
[8] See Veltroni op. cit.
[9] See Cossutta "a common history," Rizzoli.
[10] Data from the membership of the Communist Party from 1977 to 1990:
1977: 1,814,154 members; 1978: 1,790,450 members;, 1979: 1,761,297 members; 1980: 1,751,323 members; 1981: 1,714,052 Members , 1982: 1,673,751 members; 1983: 1,635,264 members, 1984: 1,619,940 members; 1985: 1,595,281 members; 1986: 1,551,576 members; 1987: 1,508,140 members; 1988: 1,462,281 members; 1989: 1,421,230 subscribers, 1,264,790 members in 1990.
source cited.
[11] See Berlinguer op. cit.
[12] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies June 26, 1983: PCI
29.9% - 32.9% Dc - Psi 11.4%.
The Communist Party won 198 seats in the House and 107 in the Senate.
[13] See Colarizi op. cit.
[14] See op Veltroni. cit.
[15] See op Veltroni. cit.
[16] Results of the major parties to the European elections of June 17, 1984: PCI
33.3% - 33.0% Dc.
The Communist Party won 27 seats in Parliament.
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