With the economic boom the country became necessary new policies aimed at redistribution of wealth in such a way that the working class, migliorando il proprio tenore di vita, potesse “consumare” i prodotti italiani. Il coinvolgimento di almeno una parte della rappresentanza politica della classe operaia a queste nuove scelte divenne allora un elemento ineludibile ed il Psi, dal 1956, aveva iniziato, allontanandosi dal Pci, ad avvicinarsi alla Dc.
La nuova svolta nella politica italiana fu il frutto del lavoro dello statista pugliese Aldo Moro che, con accelerazioni improvvise e con brusche frenate, segnò i tempi dell’operazione d’avvicinamento, con il Governo Fanfani detto anche “delle convergenze parallele”, e dell’entrata dei socialisti di Nenni, con i suoi tre Governi dal 1963 al 1968. Il Pci, nella sua maggioranza[1], while being aware that the center-left would end the unity of the workers' forces, identified in the new political framework a more advanced terrain of struggle and this position was reinforced by the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party which was held in December of 1962, as well as supporting firmly establishing the new body region and enlargement of the powers of local self-government in general, dwelt at length on the potential of the new political phase. The main objective of the PCI Togliatti called for the center-left would have been the implementation of the Constitution [2].
The policy of the Communist Party of recent years towards the government could be summed up in an opposition "soft" in Parliament, but returned to be tough in the streets and in the country [3]. This position brought undoubted benefits to the PCI and the elections of 1963 [4] saw a significant advance of the Communists. The brilliant result, despite the steady decline of members in recent years, proved that the PCI had begun to reap acclaim well beyond its traditional constituency and that he had made the most of the new political spaces that were created with the entry of the PSI to the Government. The Communist Party began with the elections, also at the electorate by making breach of opinion, quell'ascesa that in a few years had led the party to decline steadily the distance from DC up to the possibility occurred only in the European elections of 1984, to realize the long-awaited "overtaking". Apart from a slight decline of the Socialists, it should be noted, of that election, the big shift of votes from Democrats to Liberal Party, which gained 3.5% of the votes compared to 1958, reaching 7%. A substantial slice of the electorate did not like the shift to the left of the DC and was shifted to the more soothing, more conservative, liberal shores.
In the following years became clearer that the purpose of Aldo Moro was to maintain the "centrality" of Democrats and at least we can say that that goal was achieved when considering the programmatic content, not propriamente riformatori, dei governi e le difficoltà a cui andò incontro il Psi in quegli anni, schiacciato tra Dc e Pci, nel giustificare il proprio ruolo nel Governo[5]. Il Pci, temendo che una buona riuscita del centro-sinistra potesse rafforzare la “conventio ad escludendum” nei suoi confronti, si tranquillizzò nel momento in cui prese atto delle difficoltà dei Governi Moro[6] e riprese le proprie manovre attaccando continuamente il Psi e lavorando per spingere la sinistra dello stesso partito verso la scissione.
Il 21 agosto del 1964 morì a Yalta Palmiro Togliatti. I suoi funerali, che videro la partecipazione di oltre un milione di persone, costituirono il più imponente momento di partecipazione popolare that the young Italian Republic had known until then. The final document of Togliatti, which was the political testament of the best and who was remembered as the "memorial of Yalta," reiterated the originality and diversity in ways that would have allowed the construction of socialist society, "unity in diversity" of international communist movement. The PCI
Togliatti was left by a party that, while continuing to stay anchored to the "democratic centralism" was beginning to feel the need to make visible those who, within it, were the sensitivities and policy options. The first Congress after the death of Best, the XI held in January 1966, the theater was the first confrontation took place "in the light of the sun" from the birth of new parts. The two policies that we faced were the "right" to Amendola, calling for unity with the Socialists and urgent reform of the institutions of the state in the direction of greater democratic participation, and the "left" of Ingrao, he saw in the organization of the best response to the new mass workers' unrest surfaced in those years. Amendola, while not had an absolute majority, sent Ingrao in the minority. Ingrao voting against, to the authority of the exponent communist who enjoyed to acclaim both inside and outside the Party, declared for the first time, the legitimacy of the political dissent.
The work of synthesis, pointing to the "renewal in continuity 'between the various spirits of the Party's leadership sealed Luigi Longo, who was elected Secretary-General after the death of Togliatti and worthy continuation of the policies of the late leader. Togliatti's successor in the role of the two strongest candidates were just Amendola and Ingrao, but Longo, if the guarantee of unity and continuity that gave his figure, which had held the post of deputy secretary with Togliatti and had always supported fairness and effectiveness Secretary, was the solution migliore per la segreteria del Partito[7]. Come ha giustamente ricordato Armando Cossutta “se Togliatti fu il grande protagonista della linea politica e della strategia dei comunisti, Longo ne fu l’intelligente costruttore”[8]. Sin da allora al giovane Enrico Berlinguer fu affidato il compito di affiancare Longo. Fu evidente a tutti che il Partito, con quella mossa, aveva già scelto il suo futuro leader[9]. Ma d'altro canto nonostante il caso di Ingrao può essere considerato di indubbia valenza politica e storica, gli avvenimenti degli anni successivi, in primis la vicenda del gruppo del “Manifesto”, dimostrarono che la strada che avrebbe dovuto condurre il Pci al superamento del metodo del “centralismo democratico” was still to go.
The elections of 1968 [10] showed clearly that the main losers in the center-left governments were socialists. To give more strength to the area that was left to the government of the country and finally to isolate the Communist Party, the PSI and the PSDI had formed the PSU (Unified Socialist Party). The new party, which put the ambitious goals of competing with the Communists for the hegemony of the left on one side and to create conditions for "the alternative to the Democrats the other, which was soundly defeated in elections in May a year of "the hottest" in Italian history. The PSU won, partly because of the split of the left wing of the Socialist Party which formed the PSIUP [11], much less than the sum of what the two parties that composed it had reported the previous election and the debacle led to the sunset of the "contractor" and, in a little while , a new split between the PSI and PSDI. On the other hand, the Democrats regained, probably at his right hand, 0.8%, while the real winners were the Communists, who drew the greatest benefits from the non-response of the center-left and went slowly, expelling all ventilated hypothesis crisis, in their ascent.
[1] The leader of the Communist Party who fought more for the approval of this line was Amendola che riuscì a convincere anche Togliatti. Cfr. Rossanda “La ragazza del secolo scorso”, Einuadi.
[2] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[3] Cfr. Colarizi op. cit.
[4] Risultati dei maggiori partiti alle elezioni per la Camera dei Deputati del 28 aprile 1963:
Pci 25,3% - Dc 38,3% - Psi 13,8%.
Il Pci ottenne 175 seggi alla Camera e 85 al Senato.
[5] Cfr. Rossanda op. cit.
[6] Aldo Moro, considerato unanimemente tra i migliori politici italiani, non fu parimenti grande come uomo di governo. Le sue eterne mediazioni, che avevano ottenuto numerosi e indiscutibili successi nella politica, si scontravano con la necessità della decisione immediata tipica invece di chi si trova ad occupare the role of government. See Stone "Moro was real glory?", Garzanti, cf. Andreotti op. cit., cf. Colarizi op. cit.
[7] See Rossanda op. cit.
[8] Cossutta, op. cit.
[9] Longo Tile in the direction of the party was for Berlinguer opportunity to grow before you go to cover the most prestigious job. The weight of Berlinguer also had the opportunity to grow even more in subsequent years also because of the illness that recently prevented secretarial Longo full political activity.
[10] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 19, 1968: PCI
26.9% - 39.1% Dc - PSU 14.5%.
Il Pci ottenne 177 seggi alla Camera e 101 al Senato (con il Psiup).
[11] La parte maggioritaria del Psiup confluì nel 1972 nel Pci. Delle sue due minoranze interne la più grande formò il Pdup e la più piccola rientrò nel Psi.
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