Fascism In 1926 he completed his transformation and the actions of the squads was added to all intents and purposes, the harsh repression of State. In that year Mussolini did approve of the special measures that strengthened the powers of the Head of Government to which was no longer required to be accountable to Parliament, which was reduced single-site representation. The newspapers were closed and at the same time, all groups were subjected to police surveillance and, in fact, the trade unions were abolished, being recognized as interlocutors only the syndicates. In addition, governments were abolished and replaced by municipal and provincial government authorities, the Mayor. Finally, the opposition parties were disbanded and the Special Court was mandated to defend the state, whose courts were members of militia or military, to have the anti-fascist prison, or more often, the confinement. The so-called laws "fascist" are, therefore, the foundation on which we built the system, which was characterized dalla sostanziale coincidenza tra le strutture dello Stato e del Partito fascista, che rimaneva in questo modo l’unica forza politica legittimata ad esistere. Nel 1926 quindi l'Italia cessò di essere uno Stato liberale e divenne uno Stato totalitario.
Il Partito comunista fu duramente colpito dalla repressione e i suoi maggiori dirigenti finirono in carcere. Durante il “ventennio” il Pci fu il partito antifascista che pagò il prezzo maggiore alla repressione[1]. Il quartier generale del Pci fu spostato a Parigi, mentre in Italia si cercò di mantenere un’organizzazione clandestina. Con l’arresto di Gramsci, Togliatti, che era sfuggito all’arresto solo perché si trovava all’estero, divenne Secretary-General, while, at least at first, the action was illegal in Italy headed by Camilla Ravera. Although the Communist Party was the only anti-fascist party that had organized a network of this type, because of repression of the fascist police who used an effective method of "infiltrators", soon weakened domestic political initiative, as evidenced by the number of subscribers increased from 10,000 in 1927 to about 7,000 in 1928 [2]. The Communist Party he was born believing that revolution was imminent was taken aback by the consolidation of fascism, but nevertheless continued to believe that the political stage would only be a brief and authoritative that would soon conditions for the return to power.
relations with the Communist International, which had been strongly reinforced by Togliatti, deteriorated sharply in 1929 due to the position of the pocket, which had replaced Togliatti in Moscow, in favor of Bukharin, who was opposed at that time Stalin. After the whole line of PCI, from Lyon on, was challenged, Togliatti expelled pocket and lined up new positions on the Party of the International, which, because of Stalin, had returned to be rather sectarian. In fact, the Communist Party was forced to associate with the Italian Socialists and the Movement of Young Justice and Freedom, the theory of "Social", which put its bases on the equation between Fascism and Social Democracy, understood, both as methods used by the bourgeoisie to retain power. Were excluded, in addition, the hypothesis, advanced by Gramsci in Lyon, an intermediate stage that there should have after the fall of Fascism.
These positions caused the biggest crisis that the Party had met in its first ten years of life [3]: Gramsci and Terracini, from prison, they made their voices of dissent and three national leaders, Leonetti, Ravazzolo and Tress, were expelled from the Party. Although sectarianism, this change in policy direction generated a revival of the Communist Party in Italy, which was driven in particular by Longo, rejuvenation and a strong base of activists. The generational shift from those who had been the party to whom it had entered into a situation of illegal immigrants laid the foundations for a new grounding of the Communist Party in society, which is especially visible in the years after Fascism. At that time, and those conditions must be traced the foundations for the emergence of the strongholds in Emilia and Tuscany, old feuds socialists, and growth in rural areas. The Communist Party was able to characterize as the only really active anti-fascist forces in Italy and this had attracted many young people who come from other cultures, many of whom were families of socialist or popular, which often went to replace the pictures that ended in prison. In the countryside, finally, it was much easier than in cities, to organize a clandestine network.
When Fascism put his hand on the levers of consent, militarized, channeling and organizing the masses, the Communist Party, despite the increased difficulties that prevented action that could somehow be "mass" was attentive and flexible in understanding the 'importance of such instruments. The fascist structures, either because they were the only places where you could talk about politics, both shy away from accusations of "carbonara" [4], which often turned to the International Communist Party, became a major catchment area, especially in the years between the 1931-32 to propagate communist ideas and especially to highlight the contradictions of the regime.
With the growth of the Nazi danger changed strategy and the Communist International between 1934 and 1935 launched the line together in a "popular front" all the forces opposing the advance of fascism. If France was the "pilot country" in which there is unity of the Left, Italian anti-fascist parties in the situation was slightly different. The PCI, which had struggled to accept the "turning point" in 1929, had an even greater suffering to exit the sectarianism which held that it seemed intended as, in Italy Fascist militants had found themselves facing the new government. But a little 'time to the work of Togliatti and Grieco, who was secretary from 1934 to 1938 [5], paid off, and in August of 1934, was signed the "pact of unity of action" between socialists and communists, who, despite the differences, marked the reopening of dialogue between the two workers' parties.
The hope of a possible failure of the campaign in Ethiopia that could destabilize the regime, went quickly disappointed with the victory and the Italian Communist Party are nothing more than continue the old strategy of working in mass organizations of the fascist regime, launching a campaign of "fraternization to the brothers in black shirts "[6]. The campaign was launched through public appeal by the "workers' state" entitled "The salvation of Italy reconciliation of the Italian people" [7] was not very well received in other Italian anti-fascist forces and militants of the Party.
With the onset of civil war in Spain, also resumed with even greater force in the militant left-wing anti-fascist sentiment. At this point the direction of the Communist Party in Paris seconded that the request came from the party and put aside the line of "fraternizing with the masses fascist" to organize solidarity with the English company with the "International Brigades" enlisted 3000 in which Italian Communists who had among their commanders and Di Vittorio Longo. The English experience was very useful, not only because it prepares cadres and militants of the Party in what was the Resistance in Italy, but also because the goal of a "new kind of democracy," which was based on the expulsion of Fascism and hegemony of the workers' parties and that he had designed for the situation in Spain, formed the basis for a far deeper in the previous agreement between PSI and the PCI, which was confirmed by a new "pact of unity of action" in July 1937.
It began during those months to pay off the anti-fascist front living abroad: a few months ago was founded the "People's Union" which saw the presence of policy, justice and freedom and the Republicans (later adhered to the Socialists), but the Communist Party, which was the only organized party in Italy , was careful not only the unity of the anti-fascist parties migrants, but also and above all, the ability to make a real difference in the country [8]. This position is clearly pragmatic, ended up overshadow the equally important programmatic aspects, such as fill content, the concept of "new type of democracy", which seemed to pay more attention to other anti-fascist forces.
Action policy of the Communist Party went into crisis because of the relationship with the Soviet Union, primarily because of the authoritarianism of Stalin, Togliatti, which forced to take hard stand against the crimes of Trotskyism and the Party to face accusations of "poor supervision "that led to many internal problems, culminating with the dissolution of the Central Committee. But it was the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact to create the biggest problems [9] as it was impossible to reconcile with the approval of anti-fascist unity pact between the Soviet and Nazi and the Communist Party was forced to lie flat on the positions of the International theorized that for the Communist equidistant between the various imperialist. The situation deteriorated further when, with the German invasion of the Communist Party found itself in hiding in Paris. Togliatti was arrested, but it has not been recognized, escaped with only a few months in prison and reorganized after the embryo of a foreign center of the party, went to Moscow where the International, had finally melted and the Political Bureau and Central Committee, gave him the leadership of the Communist Party alone.
The situation within the Party, which had deteriorated with broken Terracini and Ravera, calmed thanks to Mussolini's declaration of war in France and England in 1940, which made it that you re-create the conditions for a nuova unità antifascista, che fu suggellata nel 1941 a Tolosa da un accordo tra Pci, Psi e Gl.
[1] Nel “ventennio” fascista i comunisti condannati dal Tribunale speciale furono 4000 per complessivi 230 secoli di galera. Cfr. Togliatti “il Partito”, Edito dalla sezione centrale di stampa e propaganda del Pci.
[2] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[3] Cfr. Pistillo op. cit.
[4] Cfr. Agosti op. cit.
[5] Disse Bruno Grieco, figlio di Ruggero, nella scheda di presentazione del libro:
“La storia del Partito Comunista è incompleta: molto del periodo in cui Ruggero Grieco ne è stato segretario, ossia dalla seconda metà del 1934 alla primavera del 1938, viene ignorata o liquidata in poche pagine. Togliatti ha occultato gran parte delle carte di quel periodo, timoroso della popolarità che Grieco aveva acquistato negli ambienti dell’antifascismo italiano, tra i quali era stimato per essersi fatto promotore del patto di Unità d’azione Pci-Psi, dei ripetuti contatti con Giustizia e Libertà, degli appelli rivolti dal Comitato Centrale ai cattolici. È proprio in quegli anni, infatti, che il Comitato Centrale del Pci rompe con la teoria del socialfascismo. Il Comitato Centrale, sotto la guida di Grieco, tese ad applicare tutte le indicazioni che pervenivano direttamente o indirettamente da Gramsci, a costruire un partito che tesseva le fila dell’antifascismo, capace di preparare il ground for insurrection and resistance in Italy. A first reveal some of these obscure Giorgio Amendola was in 1966 that made it known publicly that Grieco had served four years as secretary of the party. Grieco himself, his son Bruno, had never reported. The archive documents relating to that period are still "reserved". But very, very much was still possible to bring to light. The papers of the Comintern, in the book are revealing and are published for the first time. "See Grieco," A party is not Stalinist. Pci 1936: "Appeal to our brothers in black shirts", "Marsilio.
[6] See Agosti op. cit. Pistil and op. cit.
[7] See Agosti op. cit.
[8] See "Problems and discussions," State Worker editorial of May 15, 1939, from "The Communists and the unity of the working class" by the middle section of the Party School of the Communist Party.
[9] See Pistil op. cit.
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