PCI
In the terrible defeat of 1948 did not call into question the leadership of Togliatti, which remained firmly at the helm of the party assisted by Deputy Secretaries Luigi Longo and Peter Secchia. The Marxist-Leninist organizational structure which has arisen since the Sixth Congress [1], facilitating the holding of the leading group without trauma as well demonstrated the days following the July 14 1948, when the same Togliatti was the victim of an attack by the work of a young fanatic. Secchia and Longo were, at least when Togliatti was struggling between life and death, to take over the reins of the party and to block attempts of insurrection of the base. In fact they were still active "areas better organized" teams of partisans, and they still had a decent arsenal that steadily increased because in those days, in many cities, they were easily disarmed the police force [2]. When he was out of danger, the same Togliatti, the hospital bed, he hastened to restore order in the party with the historic phrase calling on the basis of "maintaining calma”[3]. L’attentato non fu privo di conseguenze politiche: la Cgil di Di Vittorio, che aveva promulgato subito dopo l’attentato lo sciopero generale, per le polemiche successive a questa decisione, si divise e proprio questo divenne, inserito nelle mutate condizioni politiche, l’evento scatenante che provocò la scissione della corrente cattolica, che diede vita alla Libera Cgil, in seguito Cisl, e di quella socialdemocratica e repubblicana, che fondò la Uil[4].
Gli anni della prima Legislatura repubblicana non furono semplici per il Pci, sottoposto com’era, al fuoco incrociato di Governo e Chiesa. Il Governo, anche utilizzando mezzi come la “celere” di Scelba, praticò while the systematic repression of numerous protest actions in the factories and campaigns organized by the PCI and the CGIL. The Church, which already had a very active role in the elections of 1948, continued with the propaganda against the PCI and the CGIL [5], which culminated in his excommunication against those who claimed to be communist or socialist-leaning lists. The unity with the Socialists, who continued in the CGIL and government red present mainly in Emilia Romagna, Tuscany and Umbria, the Marxist-Leninist organization, the struggles in the factories of the north-central and especially in the rural South, and increasing penetration into the Italian culture and society, changes seen For example, in struggles against nuclear power, the PCI avoided falling into a severe isolation. Very important to the Communist Party were the movements for peace, born after the beginning of the Korean War in 1950, which engaged the whole Party, with the important participation of the reconstituted FGCI [6], especially after the Seventh National Congress was held in Rome in April 1951.
After a short time the party managed to get out of this defensive position and returned to growth resuming its expansion witnessed by the advance in local elections of 1951 and 1952 [7]. But the most evident signs of recovery were seen later on, especially with the elections of 1953. The DC De Gasperi, carrying not a few forcing, passed a new electoral law, which granted, the coalition that was more than 50% of the vote, a substantial majority of the premium, which allowed to reach 65% of the seats. The fear of the Christian Democrats not to repeat the exploit of 1948 was evident and the reaction of the Communist Party, eagerly assisted by the CGIL, which called a general strike to what was dubbed the "Law scam", was fierce. The centrist coalition, to 57,000 votes, did not reach an absolute majority and the lack of objective together with the strong backing of the DC [8], marked the end of the De Gasperi. The PCI, capitalizing on five years of social and political struggles, [9] overcame the six million votes, but the satisfaction for the dual achievement, bankruptcy fraud and unquestioned primacy of the law in the Italian left, with almost 10 percentage points on the PSI, was short-lived, as the DC was still firmly in the government of the country and the Left as a whole still had a marginal political role.
also the social changes did not seem to go in a direction that could bring benefit to the PCI. The increased demand for labor led to urban centers, to the north and the large masses of foreign workers, who, having serious problems to be solved immediately, were little interested in the ideological struggle for social change [10 ]. Significant from this point of view, was the victory of the CISL, CGIL damage in the elections for the council to Fiat in 1955. For the Communist Party and the CGIL was an important opportunity for reflection. Victor spoke of Directors of the CGIL in a famous self-criticism that was destined to change the whole organization of the CGIL [11].
In an attempt to escape from this uncomfortable situation, the Left, especially the Socialist Party, attempted an approach to the area of \u200b\u200bgovernment and the election for President of the Republic of Gronchi with the casting vote of the left of the PCI in 1955 and abstaining Psi on the vote of confidence in the Government signs the beginning of 1956 [12] were the most important political acts of this strategy. There were also changes in the organization of the Communist Party, as the structure of Marxist-Leninist ideology had made it clear all the limits that had to grasp fully all the country's social and economic change. At the expense, among the greatest leaders, was Secchia, who lost the post of deputy secretary. The ruling class was gradually renovated, and the Party he abandoned, at least in part, the Marxist-Leninist organization to resume, more and more forms of the "new party" so dear to Togliatti.
1956 was a pivotal year in the history of the PCI. The Twentieth Congress of Soviet Communist Party, whose leadership had passed, after Stalin's death in 1953, in the hands of Khrushchev, was sorely under fire the whole policy of the most important Soviet dictator, was convicted and the use of the "cult of personality." The reactions of the PCI, at least at first, they were cautious and limit themselves to focusing on the innovative nature of the Soviet turning, focusing, in particular, the correctness of the original choices that the PCI had done in previous years [13] . Was Togliatti, in the following months, with an interview with the newspaper "New topics" to bring about a shift in position of the PCI. The "Best" [14], Pressing his hand on the excessive bureaucratization State, denounced in no uncertain terms the "degeneration" of the Soviet system that led to the cult of personality. With that stance Togliatti began to question the very idea of \u200b\u200b"Soviet model". But the road that would lead to a full range of PCI was still long and when the Polish communist government suppressed by force workers' demonstrations, the leadership of the Communist Party aligned itself with the positions of the Soviet Party.
and full of even more serious consequences was the crisis in Hungary. In the country a few months ago there were protests on the vibrating model of what had taken place in Poland. When the Hungarian government showed their intention to leave the Warsaw Pact broke, violent, Soviet repression. The tanks of the Red Army invaded the country and caused thousands of deaths. Again, although even more painful, the Communist Party was forced to match, but the political cost of that decision was very high. Some sectors of the Party, and especially the union, distanced themselves from the positions of the PCI. Among the critical positions are to be mentioned is that of one of victory over a hundred intellectuals in or around the party who signed a manifesto condemning hard. Despite all the criticism, the special relationship linking the Party with its militants [15], did not lead an immediate release of the majority of those managers who had expressed doubts. But in Italy the situation became difficult for the PCI and broke a climate of unprecedented anti-communism, partly because of Soviet intervention contrary position expressed by the Socialists. The Communist Party found itself, perhaps for the first time, completely isolated and the crisis of that year, in addition to the social changes that characterized the economic boom, was the main cause of the collapse of the impressive entries. The Communist Party lost more than 200,000 members and from that moment never reached the two million subscribers [16].
This crisis showed, however, the strength of the Communist Party which, despite everything, managed to withstand the harsh attacks [17]. The VIII Congress of the Communist Party held in December of 1956, did not seem at all to a party in check, but it was full of analysis and proposals, significant discussions were preceded by massive filled in the months preceding the sections and federations. The Party in that meeting relaunched its autonomy and the prospectus, for the first time in an official manner, the overcoming of the concept of the "party leadership" and an "Italian road to socialism." The insights of the past of Gramsci and Togliatti, starting from the position on Italian democracy, were brought forward with greater conviction. The "new-style democracy," understood as a phase transient that would later lead to socialism, the renewal of the leadership of the Party, begun in 1954, the union and autonomy were the watchwords of what would have been one of the most important conferences in the history of the PCI [18].
The main political consequence of the events of 1956 was the final sunset of the pact of united action between the PCI and the PSI. The Nenni's PSI, which in previous years had deeply been fascinated by Stalin's Soviet Union [19], I think, taking all the distances, its position on the most important socialist state. At the same time worked a Psi approach, and this time alone, the area of \u200b\u200bgovernment and especially the Christian Democrats and the PSDI, which seemed to be reciprocated by a political party government closer "to the opening on the left [20].
Despite the advanced DC and the PSI, the parliamentary elections of 1958 [21] formed the Communist Party held an unexpected and substantial, as the Party confirmed the results of previous elections. The satisfactory outcome of the election not deceived the leadership of the Communist Party is aware of having the most difficult period behind us, is necessary to impending changes in the party. But all that had happened in 1956 and the economic miracle had been included, compared to the ruling party, certainly better than the Secretary of the CGIL Giuseppe Di Vittorio [22], who was already confronted, before the others, with the issue of relations with the USSR and the new needs of workers. The union of Cerignola died November 3, 1957, while he was in Lecco for an event, but his policy was immediately taken into the party, especially by Giorgio Amendola.
After the elections of 1958 came forward, more and more, the possibility of ensuring the government socialists, that possibility is not met, at least in those months, fierce opposition from the Communist Party, which even in its ninth congress held in the first months of 1960, expressed the willingness to support a government of "center-left." In Congress were also spelled out the political conditions that would subject the support of the Communist Party and they consist in requesting a foreign policy less "pro-American" and a domestic policy of social reform and democratic [23]. In early 1960, the new majority of Democrats, array Dorothea, who had ousted the old fanfaniana majority, as in his classic "modus operandi" [24], and kept stalling on the rope the PSI for its entry to the government. It was in this complex political phase that was the crisis of the Government Signs. The President of the Republic gave Gronchi the task of forming a new government in Fernando Tambroni, the Left Democrats, who gained confidence with the casting vote of the MSI. Fascist Italy rose up, spread throughout the country and the clashes more spontaneous demonstrations took place in Genoa, Gold Medal of the Resistance, where, in July 1960, was scheduled for the Congress of the MSI. The vehemence of the protests, which went even further than the forecasts of the same Party, led to the resignation Tambroni and opened the doors "left open" and "center-left" [25].
[1] See Agosti op. cit.
[2] See Colarizi op. cit.
[3] See Cossutta “Una storia comunista”, Rizzoli.
[4] Cfr. Pistillo op. cit.
[5] La Cgil veniva descritta dalla Civiltà Cattolica come un’organizzazione che lavorava per “minare alla base la consistenza economica del paese e la sua ripresa”, e la sua azione “disgregatrice e sovvertitrice” era subordinata “ai particolari fini della lotta politica di un partito asservito a una centrale straniera”. Cf. Pistillo op. cit.
[6] “Dopo la liberazione la ricostruzione della Fgci fu decisa dal Comitato Centrale del PCI nel marzo del 1949. Enrico Berlinguer ne divenne il Segretario, carica che avrebbe mantenuto sino al 1956. Berlinguer diede un grande impulso alla Federazione giovanile, that in those years grew to 450,000 subscribers, and projected a major role in the international communist movement in 1950 and became Secretary of the World Federation of Democratic Youth. There were many initiatives and campaigns carried out among young Italians and widespread was the establishment of the organization in factories, schools and universities.
... In the early fifties, he was promoted, for example, the so-called Movement of the manufacturers, who had the task of encouraging militancy in the organization and inaugurated the great movement of the flags of peace, during the escalation of the Cold War . Enrico Berlinguer in 1951, del 30° anniversario della fondazione della Fgci, disse che la storia della Federazione giovanile “è stata la storia della gioventù italiana, della sua parte più cosciente ed attiva socialmente”.
… All’inizio degli anni ’60 cominciò a palesarsi il duplice problema del comunque sempre difficile rapporto con i giovani ed il legame con il Partito. In quegli anni, infatti, gli iscritti arrivano a 200.000 e la Federazione accentua i suoi tentativi di ricerca di un profilo autonomo.
Tra il 1961 e il 1966 Achille Occhetto fu il Segretario della Fgci.
Con l’esplosione del movimento del ’68 la Fgci attraversò una fase assai complicata e fu Renzo Imbeni, che della Fgci fu Segretario dal 1972 al 1975, a rilanciare l’azione della Federazione.
A Massimo D’Alema, Segretario della Fgci dal 1975 al 1980, spettò, invece, il difficile compito di affrontare la fase del movimento del 1977 e gli anni cupi della deriva del terrorismo.
Negli anni ’80 la Fgci fu guidata da Marco Fumagalli (dal 1980 al 1985) e da Pietro Folena (dal 1985 al 1989).
L'ultimo Segretario della Fgci, trasformatasi con la nascita del Pds in Sinistra Giovanile, fu Gianni Cuperlo. Cfr. Numero unico istituzionale di presentazione della storia della Fgci a cura della Direzione nazionale Fgci del P.d.c.i. .
[7] Cfr. Colarizi op. cit.
[8] Risultati dei maggiori partiti alle elezioni per la Camera dei Deputati del June 7, 1953: PCI
22.6% - 40.1% Dc - Psi 12.7%.
The Communist Party won 148 seats in the House and 54 in the Senate.
[9] See Pistil op cit.
[10] Agosti op. cit.
[11] See "The CGIL 1906-2006 and your rights," Number one for the centenary of the CGIL.
[12] Aldo Agosti op.cit.
[13] See Aldo Agosti op. cit.
[14] Togliatti was called the "Best" for a widespread appreciation of his political skills. The nickname was also used by political opponents, obviously with a derogatory sense. See Cossutta op. cit.
[15] The party was like a church and the discipline of a militant faith. Giuseppe Di Vittorio, for example, was forced to make self-criticism the position taken in relation to events in Hungary. See Simon
Colarizi op.cit.
[16] Data from the membership of the Communist Party from 1957 to 1968:
1957: 1,825,342 members; 1958: 1,818,606 members; 1959: 1,789,269 members; 1960: 1,792,974 members; 1961: 1,728,620 members; 1962: 1,630,550 members; 1963: 1,615,571 members; 1964: 1,641,214 members; 1965: 1,615,296 members; 1966: 1,575,935 members; 1967: 1,534,705 members; 1968: 1,502,862 students. Source cited.
[17] Agosti op. cit.
[18] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the press and propaganda of the Communist Party Central section.
[19] See Andreotti op. cit.
[20] See Colarizi op. cit.
[21] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on May 25, 1958: 22.7%
PCI - Dc 42.3% - 14.2% Psi.
The Communist Party won 149 seats in the House and 59 in the Senate.
[22] See "The CGIL 1906-2006 and your rights," Number one for the centenary of the CGIL.
[23] See "IX Congress of the Italian Communist Party. Acts and resolutions ", Editori Riuniti.
[24] See declarant, "Christian Democracy", Editori Riuniti.
[25] See Colarizi op. cit.
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