The New Party in 1946, after the liberation, could be considered a reality. The Communist Party, with its two million members [1], had become the largest mass party in Italy after the war, with an excellent grounding in the "red areas" [2], with good strength in the northern city workers and growing in the countryside south. Paradoxically, the imposing organization not turned in an identical electoral strength, as the elections for the Constituent Assembly on 2 June 1946 [3], the PCI was clearly passed by the DC and for a few thousand votes, bringing the Psi 4,300,000 preference. The Communist Party won only the consent of its activists or sympathizers, almost all workers, peasants and intellectuals, and failed to exert any attractive force to other social classes, first against the "middle class" [4].
Major responsibilities were assigned to the "duplicity" of the Communist Party, in other words, a misunderstanding that that attitude was perceived as being reassuring, and that held together two opposing political visions: the commitment to democratic institutions, which marks the official line, and the link with the Soviet Union and the revolutionary aspirations, present so conspicuous in the peripheral base and executives. In the Party militants, in fact, emerged once again, and remained for many years, the usual duality that has always characterized the left, between the "heart", who dreamed of the Revolution and the "Myth of the Soviet Union" , and the "brain", who was studying how to achieve democracy.
Togliatti, personally, strongly contrasted the actions that went beyond the official line, fearing that they undermine the important efforts made by the Communist Party to gain credibility and be a force that could aspire to achieve the democratic government of the country. In Togliatti truth pursued consistently, and not with "duplicity," the democratic choice, as it took for him a strategic value and choice should not be confused with a "a purely legalistic and parliamentary" [5]. Togliatti addition, considering the small parties almost unnecessary [6], preferred to close relations with the other two mass parties and the political line became a reality with achieving trade union unity [7], with the participation and support to national governments [8], from 1944 to 1947, and with the spirit of cooperation established in the Constituent Assembly. That was the fear of being politically marginalized that pushed the PCI research di queste convergenze è fuori discussione[9], ma, allo stesso modo, non sono opinabili gli altrettanto indiscussi benefici che questa linea politica portò alla giovane democrazia italiana.
La collaborazione nel governo tra le sinistre e la Dc non durò però a lungo. Le difficoltà di reggere politiche non propriamente “popolari” tipiche di un periodo d’austerità come quello del dopoguerra si fecero sentire nelle sinistre e soprattutto nel Pci. Allo stesso tempo le pressioni sulla Dc delle ali più conservatrici della Chiesa e, ancora di più degli americani, che si manifestarono in maniera evidente nel famoso viaggio del gennaio del 1947 negli Usa di De Gasperi, divennero fortissime e non più avoidable. In fact, Italy, because of its economic weakness, needed financial aid and the U.S. subordinated themselves to the expulsion of the Left government by the Statesman Trentino. The turning point was ratified in May 1947 with the formation of a new Cabinet De Gasperi devoid of the PCI and the PSI: from that moment on, the Communist Party did not return ever again in the Government of Italy.
Unlike what happened in a majority government, the Constituent Assembly continued its work in the same spirit of cooperation and those days were remembered as one of the most beautiful pages in the history of Italian politics. A significant step forward, especially, the foresight policy Palmiro Togliatti, che fu testimoniata anche da alcune clamorose posizioni[10], e che poneva, davanti a tutto, la nascita e la crescita della democrazia italiana, di cui il Pci sarebbe dovuto essere uno dei pilastri. Togliatti, che temeva molto le possibili reazioni della base del Partito alla cacciata dal governo, diede questa “risposta democratica” per smentire tutti quelli che affermavano che “i comunisti una volta al potere non lo lasciano più”[11].
Gli sforzi furono premiati e nel gennaio del 1948 fu approvata la nuova Costituzione, molto “avanzata” nei principi e nei contenuti, e la completa attuazione della stessa rappresentò il principale programma politico su cui fece leva il Pci negli other his forty years of life. The policy of the Communist Party did not like the other communist parties, which at their conference in Szklarska Poreba in Poland in September 1947 [12], with particular fury in particular the Yugoslav party, put on trial the entire leadership of the Communist Party, which on that occasion was led by Luigi Longo. Again Togliatti, reluctantly, he worked yet another change of direction tended to align the positions of the PCI to those of other communist forces. In the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party, held in Milan in January 1948, was "set aside" the original idea of \u200b\u200ban "Italian road to socialism" and emphasized the willingness of the organization towards the “Partito dei quadri” più consono all’ortodossia marxista-leninista.
Il Psi attraversò in quel periodo una crisi ancora più profonda. La scissione di Palazzo Barberini del gennaio del 1947 operata dal gruppo socialdemocratico di Saragat, e che indebolì il Psi di almeno un terzo dei consensi elettorali, provocò una ferita nel partito più antico d’Italia che, nei fatti, non fu mai rimarginata. Questo evento consegnò al Pci, da quel momento in poi, l’egemonia della sinistra italiana e creò un ribaltamento nei rapporti di forza atipico per l’Europa occidentale, dove era più usuale la presenza di un Partito socialista egemone e di governo e di un Partito comunista subalterno to it. Political analysts also spotted this anomaly in "very Italian" a major cause of the blockade of the Italian political system, with defined terms of "bipartisanship imperfect" or "polarized pluralism", the only democratic countries in Europe and not to be characterized by that vital democratic mechanism that is the alternation [13]. On the one hand, the split, the Psli [14] Saragat went to join the ranks of small parties that revolved around the DC, creating a very cohesive bloc moderate, the other of the PSI Nenni strengthened the already strong relationship with the PCI [15].
climate that led to the election of 18 April 1948 [16] was that of a real showdown. He faced two conflicting ideas of society: they left lever on the feeling of revenge of the workers and peasants, while the Christian Democrats, to win the approval of even those who were not his traditional voters and focuses on values \u200b\u200band sull'anticomunismo democracy and freedom [17]. The Christian Democrats, even with the aid policy of the Church, which moved all its imposing structure, not only economic aid and U.S. [18], came out the winner from the battle royale that obtaining an absolute majority of seats in parliament. The Popular Democratic Front, which came with a single symbol, bearing the portrait of Garibaldi, he was very much al di sotto della somma dei voti riportati dal Pci e dal Psiup nel 1946. Il risultato, eccessivamente negativo del Fronte, è spiegabile oltre che per la nascita della lista di Saragat, anche per una “consuetudine” della politica italiana: l’accorpamento di più liste produce, molto spesso, meno voti rispetto alla somma delle stesse. La vittoria della Dc in quelle elezioni rappresentò un momento decisivo per la storia del Paese. L’Italia decise il 18 aprile 1948 di essere parte integrante del campo occidentale e il voto ebbe anche l’effetto di consolidare una democrazia basata sulla molteplicità di partiti, e che rifiutava, definitivamente e diversamente dai paesi dell’est Europa, l’opzione della democrazia socialista.
[1] I dati del tesseramento dimostrano che il Pci superò i due milioni di iscritti fino al 1956.
Nello specifico segnaliamo i dati.di tesseramento del Pci dal 1946 al 1956:
1946: 2.068.272 iscritti; 1947: 2.252.446 iscritti; 1948: 2.115.232 iscritti; 1949: 2.027.271 iscritti; 1950: 2.112.593 iscritti; 1951: 2.097.830 iscritti; 1952: 2.093.540 iscritti; 1953: 2.134.285 iscritti; 1954: 2.145.317 iscritti; 1955: 2.090.006 iscritti; 1956: 2.035.353 iscritti.
Cfr. dal web Istituto Cattaneo – Archivio Adele.
[2] In ordine d’importanza nel radicamento del Pci: Emilia Romagna, Toscana ed Umbria.
[3] Le elezioni per la Costituente furono tenute the same day of the referendum that sanctioned with 54% of the vote early republican era and the end of the monarchy.
results of the three major parties in elections to the Constituent Assembly on 2 June 1946: 18.9%
PCI - Dc 35.2% - 20.7% Psi.
The Communist Party won 104 seats in the Constituent Assembly.
[4] See Agosti "History of the Communist Party", Editori Laterza.
[5] See Pistil "Pages of history of the Italian Communist Party," Lacaita Publishers.
[6] See Andreotti "A closer look", Rizzoli.
Giulio Andreotti said in his portrait of Togliatti of having heard, during a political meeting which saw the participation of all anti-fascist parties, from the voice of the Secretary of the Communist Party the phrase "small parties, small ideas."
[7] From 1944 it was refounded the CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour) with single-minded commitment of the three main currents: the communist area, the Socialist and Catholic. The National Secretary of the CGIL, since the war at the end of the PCI, were Di Vittorio (1944-1957), Novella (1957-1970), Lama (1970-1986), Pizzinato (1986-1988), Trentin (1988-1994)
[8] Ministers in the Governments of the PCI Bonomi Parri De Gasperi and were:
Togliatti, Scoccimarro, Gullo, Ferrari, Pesenti, Sereni.
See "Almanac PCI 75" and "Almanac PCI 76, PCI center section press and propaganda.
[9] See Agosti op. cit.
[10] A position of the Communist Party, during the sessions of the Constituent Assembly, which created friction with the same socialist was to have no objection to continue to consider valid the Lateran Pacts.
Colarizi See "History in Republican party", Editori Laterza.
[11] See Pistil op. cit.
[12] The Conference gave birth to an information office (Cominform), which effectively replaced the Comintern. Agosti
See op. cit.
[13] Galli "History of the Communist Party," Kaos editions, Galli "The bipartisan imperfect. Communists and Christian Democrats in Italy, " Sartori and the Mill "Theory of the parties and the Italian case," Sugarco.
[14] Later the name changed in Psli PSDI.
[15] The relationship between the PCI and the PSI were tight even before the Liberation to the point that had often been proposed merger between the two parties. See Longo
"Hypothesis of a merger between communists and socialists" and "For the creation of a single party of the working class and workers' essays from" The Communists and the unity of the working class "by the middle section of Party Schools the PCI.
[16] Results of the two major lists in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on April 18, 1948: Democratic Front
Popular 31% - 48.5% Dc.
The Popular Democratic Front won 187 seats in the House and 72 in the Senate.
[17] See Colarizi op. cit.
[18] The U.S. aid to Dc manifested itself in many different forms ranging from radio messages to the letters of the Italian immigrants in America. See Pistil op. cit.
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