With the advance of the conservative forces, the PCI had an urgent need to escape from a situation of stagnation and the first answer was given at the XIII Congress of the Party, in March 1972 by the new Secretary-General Enrico Berlinguer that, in his introductory report, proposed a "government of democratic change" that saw the collaboration of the three main current popular: communist, socialist and Catholic [1]. In that context the unity of the Left was a "necessary but not sufficient".
A new breakthrough came in 1973 in the aftermath of the coup in Chile against Pinochet's government left Allende. Berlinguer, Italy n fearing that there might be a danger to democracy, relaunched, with intervention on Rebirth, the line of a "historic compromise", an alliance in defense of democratic institutions of the three popular parties [2]. Berlinguer saw the Christian Democrats, not as a monolithic party and conservative, but as a force in constant evolution, inside which were present in addition to the reactionary forces, which are important elements that were popular, and had to be persuaded to cooperate with the PCI. In subsequent years the leader of the Communist Party continued to pursue this policy and have proposed enlarging an alliance with the Christian Democrats not just defensive, but also program that places itself ambitious targets and advanced to the point to assume a majority government, the solidarity that knits Catholic with the struggles of the communists, could point to overcome the system with the gradual inclusion of elements of socialism [3].
The first fruits of the season of "sixty" were seen in 1974 with the referendum for the repeal of the law on divorce, which was approved in 1970. The Secretary Fanfani Democrat pressed his own party to extremist views and wanted a referendum at all costs that the PCI, is also ready to make concessions, he wanted to avoid [4]. But when the referendum was officially called the Communist Party broke with the delay and sided with the whole its organizational strength for the "No" and the results were surprising. The "No" stravinse reaching 60% of the votes actually showing how the Italian company had changed in the years after 1968. The many people, even non-registered parties, which were mobilized for the "No" to the referendum also showed a desire to participate that could not be underestimated. The PCI itself is steadily increasing in recent years their members [5], become, in 1976, the first party for enrollment, after 13 years in which the first was the DC.
The fact that the country had moved "left" emerged in a clear and unequivocal elezioni amministrative del 1975. Prima di quelle elezioni il Pci amministrava solo le tre regioni rosse e pochissime altre province e comuni capoluogo al di fuori dell’Emilia, della Toscana e dell’Umbria[6]. Dopo il big bang del 15 giugno 1975, il Pci, con il Psi e in qualche caso anche con il Psdi e Pri, si trovò in maggioranza in sei regioni, aggiungendo ai governi nelle tre solite regioni rosse il Piemonte, la Liguria e il Lazio[7], nella metà delle province[8], nel 40% dei comuni capoluogo[9], in un terzo di tutti i comuni italiani e in quasi tutte le maggiori città[10]. In percentuale il Pci superò per la prima volta il 30 per cento raggiungendo il 33,4% contro il 35,2% della Dc e per le elezioni successive it was realistic the hypothesis of overtaking.
Bodies Party leaders, elected in March 1975 during the XIV Congress, "emptied" and many came to occupy institutional frameworks in local government [11]. The Party in Italy was confronted at this point with the problems of governance and implementation of programs, regions, provinces and cities in which, having never been administered by the left, there were expectations of change, both citizens enrolled in or militants, who had increased in the many years of opposition by the Communist Party [12]. In Congress, Berlinguer, in addition to abandon the idea of \u200b\u200bremoval from the Born in Italy, aveva rilanciato la strategia del “compromesso storico”[13] e ne aveva allargato gli orizzonti da prospettiva per un nuovo a governo a trasformazione democratica della società. In quell’assise Berlinguer, considerato il malcostume che dilagava all’interno dei partiti, pose con forza anche la cosiddetta “questione morale” che si basava sul recupero di “senso dello Stato” da parte dei partiti e degli attori della politica[14].
Alle elezioni politiche del 20 giugno 1976[15] si arrivò con la consapevolezza che il primato democristiano era per la prima volta in discussione e si riaffacciò nell’elettorato moderato la “paura del sorpasso comunista” che ottenne il result of merging the lists all consents moderate Democrats and empty lists starting with the smaller Liberal Party, which in the electoral race dropped below 2%. The Democrats held the majority stake, while the Communist Party, while reaching its record high with 34.4%, failed to impair the supremacy of the Christian Democrats. But the polarization of the electorate on the two major parties, which together have over three quarters of the votes, the government was necessary collaboration between DC and PCI. A first official act of the adjustment between the DC and the PCI was the election of a Speaker of the House Ingrao [16].
Despite the mistrust of the USA, the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party, with the tireless work of their leader Aldo Moro, who, though not the secretary of the Christian Democrats in fact deeply affects the line [17], and Enrico Berlinguer found an agreement for the formation of a single color chaired by Christian Democrat Giulio Andreotti, who saw the abstention of the Communist Party . The result obtained, which are not fully satisfied with the PCI [18], meant that the Party of Berlinguer, breaking the ruling anti-communist government fell in the period after waiting nearly thirty years.
Obviously the PCI hoped that this was only the first step in taking responsibility larger, but the other side gave the fruits a much larger strategy of the DC, which was intended to erode the Communist Party, to stop on entry to the real government of the PCI. The Communist Party, while gaining some small achievement by the Government despite the worsening economic situation caused by inflation, found himself in the uncomfortable position of having responsibility without real power, as they made increasingly strong pressure from the base [19].
The real problems, in fact, the PCI took them to his left where the break with the extra-parliamentary area, which had been dormant until then, had become much deeper. The popular movement of 1977, from the hegemony of the "Worker Autonomy" [20], became very radical tone of criticism nei confronti della linea politica del Pci, che dal suo canto, sempre di più, sembrava accettare quella politica “dei due tempi”, che subordinava le riforme al risanamento, e che era stata contestata ai socialisti all’epoca del centrosinistra. La protesta fu contrassegnata anche da gesti clamorosi, come la cacciata di Lama, segretario generale della Cgil, dall’Università di Roma nel febbraio del 1977[21], e soprattutto da una violenza diffusa caratterizzata da importanti scontri che vedevano contrapporsi manifestanti e Forze dell’ordine.
La nascita e la successiva crescita dei gruppi terroristici “rossi” complicarono ulteriormente la situazione del Pci, che si vide stretto tra le difficoltà di spingere nei confronti della Dc per ottenere risposte “più avanzate” dal Governo e la necessità di dovere assumere un ruolo di responsabilità che isolasse i terroristi. Quando il Pci riuscì ad ottenere dalla Dc qualcosa di più concreto, ovvero l’accordo che avrebbe riconosciuto l’entrata del Partito nella maggioranza di governo, il più importante gruppo terroristico, le Brigate Rosse, misero a segno il più grave attentato terroristico della storia dell’Italia repubblicana: il rapimento di Aldo Moro[22].
Il 16 marzo del 1978 si discuteva in Parlamento la fiducia al nuovo Governo Andreotti, definito di “solidarietà nazionale”, che sanciva il nuovo accordo tra DC and PCI. The Red Brigades kidnapped, with a bloody massacre, the leading Democrat, Max proponent of the new political agreement, and, after lengthy negotiations that divided political parties in Italy and killed him. The PCI was found to be forced to maintain confidence in a government that does not keep any of the promises of change and which, in any other situation, you would definitely contrary.
The Communist Party was able to disengage from the government only in January 1979 and paid dearly for the delay, certainly not wanted, with whom he developed this position [23]. The XV Congress of the Communist Party in April 1979 he tried to re-weave the threads of the Party after the traumatic experiences of those years and presented again, in place of national solidarity, the strategy of "democratic alternative" that saw the protagonists Catholic and secular forces [24]. Berlinguer reaffirmed the link between democracy and socialism, and tied in a perspective of transformation, the Communist Party to the other European communist parties, especially the French and English, in a meeting that was called with the name "Eurocommunism" or a "third way "between Social Democracy and Socialism real [25].
[1] See "Almanac PCI '75" by the central section of the press and Communist Party propaganda.
[2] See Agosti op. cit.
[3] See Veltroni "The challenge interrupted. Le idee di Enrico Berlinguer”, Baldini&Castaldi.
[4] Cfr. Chiarante “La Democrazia cristiana”, Editori riuniti.
[5] Dati del tesseramento del Pci dal 1969 al 1976:
1969: 1.503.816 iscritti; 1970: 1.507.047 iscritti; 1971: 1.521.642 iscritti; 1972: 1.584.659 iscritti; 1973: 1.623.082 iscritti; 1974: 1.657.825 iscritti; 1975: 1.730.453 iscritti; 1976: 1.814.262 iscritti.
Fonte citata.
[6] Cfr. “Almanacco Pci ‘76” a cura della sezione centrale stampa e propaganda Pci.
[7] Il Pci, nella sua storia, riuscì solo nel 1976 ad amministrare contemporaneamente 6 regioni.
Nella storia delle Regioni tutte le giunte regionali che videro la presenza del Pci furono:
Emilia Romagna: 1970-76 Fanti (Pci), 1976-78 Cavina (Pci), 1978-87 Turci (Pci), 1987-90 Guerzoni (Pci);
Toscana: 1970-78 Lagorio (Psi), 1978-83 (Leone (Psi), 1983-90 Barolini (Pci);
Umbria: 1970-76 Conti (Pci), 1976-1987 Marri (Pci), 1987-90 Mandarini (Pci);
Piemonte: 1975-80 Viglione (Psi), 1980-83 Enrietti (Psi), 1983-85 Viglione (Psi);
Liguria: 1975-79 Carossino (Pci), 1979-80 Magliotto (Psi);
Lazio: 1976-77 Ferrara (Pci);
Sardegna: 1980-82 Rais (Psi), 1982-89 Melis (Partito Sardo D’Azione);
Valle d’Aosta: 1973-74 Dujany (Democratici Popolari).
Va segnalata inoltre la particolare esperienza che si ebbe in Sicilia tra il 1958 ed il 1960 e che vide alla presidenza l'ex democristiano Silvio Milazzo con un'atipica maggioranza che comprendeva Unione Siciliana Cristiano Sociale (il partito fondato da Milazzo), il Msi, il Psdi, il Pli, il Pri, con l'appoggio del Psi e del Pci.
Il Pci quindi non ha mai amministrato le regioni Lombardia, Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Trentino Alto Adige, Marche, Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria.
[8] Giunte di sinistra costituite tra il 1975 e il 1976 nelle Province (46 su 92) si formarono a:
Alessandria, Torino, Vercelli, Genova, La Spezia, Savona, Cremona, Mantova, Milano, Pavia, Rovigo, Venezia, Bologna, Ferrara, Forlì, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, Ravenna, Reggio Emilia, Arezzo, Firenze, Grosseto, Livorno, Pisa, Pistoia, Massa Carrara, Siena, Ancona, Ascoli, Pesaro, Perugia, Terni, Rieti, Pescara, Teramo, Avellino, Napoli, Salerno, Matera, Foggia, Taranto, Cagliari, Nuoro, Sassari, Cosenza.
[9] Giunte di sinistra costituite tra il 1975 e il 1976 nei Comuni capoluogo di Provincia (39 su 95) si formarono a:
Aosta, Alessandria, Asti, Torino, Vercelli, Genova, Imperia, La Spezia, Savona, Cremona, Mantova, Milano, Pavia, Venezia, Bologna, Ferrara, Forlì, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, Ravenna, Reggio Emilia, Arezzo, Firenze, Grosseto, Livorno, Pisa, Pistoia, Massa Carrara, Siena, Ancona, Pesaro, Perugia, Terni, Roma, Rieti, Napoli, Sassari, Cosenza.
[10] The left-biennium 1975-76 administered by the Rome, Milan, Naples, Turin, Genoa, Florence and Bologna. Practically every major city except Palermo, Catania and Bari
[11] See Cossutta, Stefanini, Zang "Decentralization and Participation", Editori Riuniti.
[12] Agosti op. cit.
[13] See Berlinguer "Current and Future", The Unit and Veltroni op. cit.
[14] See op Veltroni. cit.
[15] Results of the major parties in elections for the Chamber of Deputies on June 20, 1976: PCI
34.4% - DC 38.6% - 9.6% Psi.
The Communist Party won 227 seats in the House and 116 in the Senate.
[16] In the next parliamentary term, although he had concluded the agreement between the DC and PCI, the President of the Chamber to give the Communist Party, who had returned to be the largest opposition party, became a custom. Pietro Ingrao's place was taken by the Legislature following Nilde Iotti.
[17] Gorres, Pansa, Tornabuoni "Thirty years later. The Democratic regime in the storm, "Pocket Bompiani.
[18] See Rossanda op. cit.
[19] See Agosti op. cit. and Rossanda op. cit.
[20] See AA.VV. "Seventy-seven," DeriveApprodi.
[21] See AA.VV. "Seventy-seven," DeriveApprodi.
[22] See Zavoli "Once upon a time the First Republic", Mondadori Zavoli and "The Night of the Republic," The Unit.
[23] Agosti op. cit.
[24] See Berlinguer op. cit.
[25] See Di Napoli "L'Eurocommunism between history and history", published by Paulist Press.
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